russian travel ban europe

What travel restrictions is the EU imposing on Russians?

The bloc has made it harder and costlier for Russian nationals to enter, but members are divided on an outright travel ban.

Before the Ukraine war began, the European Union was a popular port of call for Russians.

Under the terms of a 2007 visa agreement brokered when ties were significantly warmer, they enjoyed preferential access to the bloc and could visit easily for tourism or business.

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Should europe shelter russians fleeing mobilisation, finland to bar russians after putin’s mobilisation order, latvia says it will not welcome russians fleeing mobilisation, is the war in ukraine entering a new phase.

But since February 24, when Russia launched its invasion, border controls tightened as the Kremlin’s relations with Western nations sank to post-Cold War lows.

Within days, the EU banned flights to and from Russia.

As the war dragged on, the bloc went further.

In early September, it suspended the 2007 visa deal.

The cost of an individual visa rose from 35 euros ($34) to 80 euros ($77), and Russians would now be made to provide additional documents and face longer processing times.

On September 19, the Baltic States and Poland closed their doors to Russian tourists, and condemned Finland for not joining them. Days earlier, their governments had released a statement citing security concerns.

“There are persons coming with the aim of undermining the security of our countries, insofar as three-fourths of Russian citizens support Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine,” it said.

On September 21, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a partial mobilisation, a move which sent thousands fearing the draft rushing to the borders to escape.

Most headed to Georgia and Kazakhstan, but some travelled towards Finland.

On September 30, Finland also banned Russian tourists, closing off the last direct route into the bloc.

The moves do not amount to an outright ban, but reflect the depth of deterioration in EU-Russia relations.

They also highlight divisions within the bloc – while those near Russia have taken action, others such as Germany and France say blanket restrictions feed into Moscow’s anti-Western narrative and risk estranging future generations of Russians.

Here is what you need to know:

What are the current EU-wide rules?

The EU imposed flight bans on February 27, meaning Russians would have to reach the bloc via third countries.

As the conflict intensified, discussions over further action became mired in disagreement.

More than six months later, EU leaders settled on suspending an historic visa facilitation agreement with Moscow, ending 15 years of privileged access for Russian nationals.

The 2007 visa deal had been agreed on when both sides expressed hope that smoother travel would contribute to a “steady development” of economic, humanitarian, cultural and scientific ties.

The visa application fee has risen and Russians must now produce additional documentation. The rules on issuing visas are tighter and processing times are longer.

However, Russian nationals can still technically access the EU via third countries and get 90-day short-stay visas, pending successful applications. They can also move freely within the majority of the Schengen Area once inside it.

Natia Seskuria, a Russia expert and associate fellow at the United Kingdom-based Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies (RUSI) think-tank, told Al Jazeera the suspension of the 2007 agreement had “not changed much in practicality”.

“So a lot of countries – especially the Baltic States [Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia] – have decided to act individually,” Seskuria said.

“This lack of consensus has driven European states into a bit of a chaotic situation because now there are … individual [national-level] bans against Russians, but there are also some countries that do business pretty much as usual, except that it has become harder for Russians to get visas,” she said.

What additional restrictions have some countries applied?

There are growing calls from Ukrainian leaders and those in the bloc’s east for an outright ban on Russian tourists.

Several member states have imposed additional travel restrictions themselves.

Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Finland announced in September that they would bar entry to Russians holding Schengen Area tourist visas, with exemptions for those requiring humanitarian assistance or visiting family.

Other countries, including Slovakia and the Czech Republic, announced they would not issue humanitarian visas for men attempting to escape Moscow’s military draft.

These moves were informally green-lighted by the EU at a summit in Prague weeks earlier, with the bloc’s foreign policy chief Josep Borrell acknowledging that “business as usual” could not continue for member states bordering Russia.

An outright travel ban “would be quite a radical decision, but … the times we are living in and what Ukrainians are experiencing now are very extreme,” Seskuria told Al Jazeera.

“There must be a sense of responsibility imposed upon the Russian citizens.

“And for the EU, if the borders are open [to Russians] they will get a lot of people [arriving] … who have voted for [President Vladimir] Putin and who will be happy if he wins the war in Ukraine but just don’t want to fight and risk their own lives.”

Which countries oppose stricter measures?

Two of the EU’s most powerful members, France and Germany, have opposed calls for a travel ban and continue to issue short-stay visas, in part to ensure Russian dissidents are provided an escape route.

Both have warned draconian measures could trigger “rally-around-the-flag” effects in Russia.

Even so, Russians are finding it harder to reach Europe after the EU declared on September 30 that members should not accept visa applications from those in a third country and as direct flights remain suspended.

Petr Tůma, a visiting fellow at the United States-based Atlantic Council think-tank’s Europe Center, told Al Jazeera a full tourist ban was a “long way away” given existing divisions.

But he predicted the likelihood of such a move would only increase the longer the conflict continues, and called on the EU to be ready to provide shelter to those who really need it.

“After more than half a year of war, even normal Russians have to assume some kind of responsibility … and may yet have to pay this very limited price,” Tuma said.

“But it is key that if the EU do ‘A’, the tourist visa ban, then they also have to do ‘B’ as well, and grant exceptions for people who need them, such as for the dissidents,” he added.

“We can’t close the door [completely] … this has to be done with some care.”

How many Russians have entered the EU since the war began?

It is not clear how many of those who have entered stayed in the EU, or where they remained if they did.

According to the bloc’s border agency Frontex, more than 1.4 million Russian citizens have entered the EU via its land borders since Moscow began its February 24 offensive. About the same number have also returned to Russia from the EU during the same period.

The similarity in the numbers suggests at least some of the trips may have been recreational – such as for tourism – rather than to resettle in the bloc.

Nearly 37 percent, more than 519,000, of the crossings from Russia were made into Finland, while about a quarter of those exiting the country for Europe, some 360,000, entered Estonia.

The number of overall crossings has dwindled in recent weeks after the EU tightened entry rules, member states bordering Russia imposed their own new restrictions, and as Russian authorities reportedly moved to block those attempting to flee the mobilisation drive.

According to the latest Frontex data, from October 10 – 16, 24,218 Russian citizens entered the EU. This is 1,400 fewer than the week before and less than half the overall figure recorded between September 26 – October 2. Most already had residence permits or visas, while others possessed dual citizenship.

Russian tourists seek new destinations as Europe shuts its doors over Ukraine war

The EU has imposed restrictions on Russians travelling to Europe following the invasion of Ukraine, with some countries – notably Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Finland, Poland and the Czech Republic – imposing an outright ban. The constraints have opened up new markets around the world for Russia’s billion-dollar tourism industry. 

Issued on: 23/05/2023 - 18:02

Known for its combination of tropical beaches, lush rice paddies and volcanic mountains, Bali is a renowned tourist haven that attracts visitors from all over the world.  But last year the Indian Ocean island  began to see an increase  in a certain kind  of traveller: some 58,000 Russians  had  travelled to Bali by the end of the year. In January 2023 alone, visitor numbers from Russia  jumped to 22,500 ,  according to Indonesian government data, making Russians the  second-largest  visitor group  after  Australians. 

In another tourist hotspot on the opposite side of the world, the figures tell a different story.  So far this year,  “ Paris had 95.8% fewer Russian tourists arriving by air between January and May [compared with 2019],” said a spokesperson from the Paris tourist board. In the summer months, Russian arrivals in the French capital – one of the most visited cities in Europe – are expected to increase by less than  1 percent. 

Since the  full-scale  invasion of Ukraine in  February 2022 , it has become much harder for Russians to travel to popular holiday destinations in the European Union. Getting travel visas approved is more expensive and less straightforward , Russian air carriers have been banned from  flying over or into  the EU, and Russian oligarchs can no longer land their jets  in some places.    

There is also the prospect of a  hostile welcome  for Russian tourists;  a little more than a year since  the invasion of Ukraine, the public perception of Russia throughout EU countries is largely that of “ an adversary ”,  according to a multi-nation poll conducted in January.  

Yet millions of Russians are still traveling  abroad. Some  22.5 million  overseas trips  were taken by Russian tourists in 2022, up from 19.2 million in 2021, with Turkey the leading destination. 

And Russian holidaymakers are now beating a path  to  non-Western destinations in record numbers  instead of Europe.  

Changing destinations

Among those  nations that  have seen the biggest  boom in Russian visitors  are Thailand, the UAE, Turkey, the Maldives and Egypt.   

Thailand, especially, is poised to “benefit significantly from the EU’s ban on Russian travel as the market is forced to change its preferred destinations”, according to  a report  from business intelligence provider GlobalData.  

Russia ranked 14th in international tourism  with expenditures  at around $11.4 billion in 2021, according to Statista.   

And countries  around the world are keen to claim a share of  that  market. Sri Lanka, Morocco and Thailand plan to open direct flight paths with Russia to facilitate  travel while India,  Myanmar and Oman  recently held  talks with Russia to discuss increasing tourism. 

Iran signed an agreement with Russia on Friday  to boost mutual tourism  cooperation,  just days after Cuba signed a tourism development deal aiming  to increase the number of Russian visitors to up to 500,000  a year.    

For some countries, boosting Russian tourism is a way to help balance economic ties with Russia. Turkey is one of the world’s  largest consumers  of Russian energy, and its tourism industry is largely reliant on Russian holidaymakers.  Its tourism sector has remained largely unaffected by war in Ukraine.  It “did not impose sanctions on  Russia,  so it has become the No. 1 destination for Russian  tourists”,  says  Faruk Balli, professor at the School of Economics and Finance at Massey University  in  New Zealand .     

But in  Cyprus and Greece, a  lack of Russian tourists –  who  typically represent a large percentage of overall visitors – has  affected  the economy and  prompted  a rethink   of tourism models.    

Luring tourists despite sanctions

Some   4.6 million   Russians visited Turkey in 2022, more than any other foreign country. But it is not only a destination in its own right   – as Russians can no longer fly directly to the EU, Istanbul has emerged as a  key layover for  holidaymakers and business travellers en route to Europe.  

Although  fewer  Russian travellers are visiting EU countries,  the impact is not being felt too keenly in Paris.  “Russian visitors typically represent one percent of all tourists,” a spokesperson for the Paris tourist office said.   

Larger losses  may be felt in Russia itself.  The number of foreign visitors to Russia  fell by 96.1%  in 2022 compared with figures from before the Covid pandemic in 2019, according to the Association of Tour Operators of  Russia.   

Since  the full-scale invasion of Ukraine,  demand for travel to Russia has fallen among  both  EU and US tourists. Western sanctions have also complicated travel to Russia through flight restrictions and the impossibility of using Visa and Mastercards issued by foreign banks. 

The Russian government is promoting  domestic tourism  to revitalise the sector, while also stepping up efforts to court international  visitors. Plans are under way  to  coordinate   the   Mir Russian payment system with the Indian equivalent RuPay  and to waive Russian visa requirements for visitors from some Arab and  Latin American  countries. 

The return of Chinese tour groups in  February 2023,  after pandemic travel restrictions were lifted, is  also being touted as a sign that Russia remains a thriving tourist destination. Russian  state media has reported that  the  numbers of Chinese visitors to Russia could return to  pre-pandemic levels  within three years.  

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• Should Russian tourists be held responsible for Putin’s war?

Europe’s latest symbolic debate (and solution) over how to punish Russia for its Ukraine war.

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Are Russians coming to Europe to tan on Mediterranean coasts as the Kremlin wages a brutal war in Ukraine — or are they escaping an autocratic regime and being exposed to European democratic values?

That is part of the debate the European Union just had, as leaders met in Prague to discuss the possibility of an EU-wide ban on Russian tourist visas . The debate divided the bloc. Western European countries like Germany and France opposed any ban that might punish ordinary Russians and play into Russian President Vladimir Putin’s anti-Western propaganda. Meanwhile, former Soviet states and those in Russia’s neighborhood — countries like Estonia and Finland — have pushed for a ban since most Russians are transiting through their territories , and they see depriving Russians of this privilege as putting another pressure point on Putin’s regime.

On Wednesday, the EU reached something of a compromise: Foreign ministers agreed to suspend a 2007 agreement that facilitated Russian visas to the Schengen zone — that is, the EU member-states without internal border controls. This will likely make it more difficult and more expensive for Russians to get tourist visas, but it isn’t a blanket ban. At the same time, European states bordering Russia can take their own measures to restrict visas, as some already have done .

Josep Borrell, the EU’s foreign affairs chief, said “business as usual” can’t continue, with Russians coming to the EU for leisure or shopping trips. But the bloc did not “want to cut ourselves off from those Russians who are against the war in Ukraine.”

The EU found consensus on this issue, which, really, was more symbolic than substantive; no one really thinks Russian tourists are going to swing Putin’s decision to perpetrate war in Ukraine. But it was a reminder that Western solidarity, six months into the war, still takes work.

“The one thing that everyone agrees on in Europe is that we can’t change geography,” said Minna Ålander, a researcher at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs as of September 1. “Russia will stay our neighbor, and we will have to deal with Russia, one way or another, after this war ends at some point. But then there’s this fundamental disagreement on how to deal with Russia.”

Many European countries, Germany included, still see a need to maintain connections with Russia, and are very clear that punishment should focus on Putin and his cronies rather than on the rest of the Russian population. Others, especially those former Soviet states or those along Russia’s borders, more fully feel Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as an existential security threat and want to stop and deter Moscow as fully and deliberately as possible.

This visa ban debate hinged on this longstanding split. But, as many experts said, the debate over Russian tourists is a sideshow to larger questions on continued economic and military aid to Ukraine. And for that, greater tests are ahead: namely, the energy crisis already on Europe’s doorstep.

The case for and against banning visas for Russian tourists

On July 15, Russia lifted border coronavirus restrictions , just in time for summer travel season. Because of Western sanctions, Russian aircraft can’t fly over, or to and from, the European Union . So once those Covid restrictions were lifted, many Russians started crossing the border into places like Finland , to visit there and, as some reports have suggested, as a way to transit to other European countries, by, say catching a flight from Helsinki to Rome or Madrid . Though border crossings were reportedly still below pre-Covid levels in July , DW reported that, according to Finnish media, Russians have applied for almost 60,000 visas since the beginning of the war.

It is hard to say exactly how Russians are using these visas. Some have argued that some Russians might not be lying around on the beach. Instead, they may be artists, students, academics, or others who are using these visas as a pathway out of Russia to do the work or studies they can no longer do within it. “They want the opportunity to be able to work if possible in Europe,” said Judy Dempsey, a nonresident senior fellow at Carnegie Europe and editor in chief of Strategic Europe. “The problem is they tend to come to Europe, on a tourist visa, they have to keep renewing the tourist visa — they go back to Turkey or Armenia. They don’t like going back to Moscow, but they always have to keep renewing their visas.”

Visas for humanitarian reasons — like Russians seeking asylum from persecution — have always been allowed, but the EU states that opposed the tourist visa ban think the more avenues for Russians to get out and experience the world outside of a closed regime, the better. Germany and France both argued in a paper that the EU should not “underestimate the transformative power of experiencing life in democratic systems ... at first-hand, especially for future generations.”

Governments like Greece and Cyprus opposed the ban. Spain and Portugal also did, saying they wanted to punish “Putin’s war machine” and not ordinary Russians. (All also happen to be, er, nice vacation spots with strong tourism industries.) The case that Russians will vacation in Europe and all of a sudden fall in love with democracy may be a bit too idealistic — as many experts pointed out, Russians could easily vacation for many years in European capitals, and that didn’t prevent the Ukraine war. But traveling to Europe could still help counter some of the Kremlin’s anti-Western propaganda.

“The Russian government is saying in the domestic propaganda that ‘oh, the situation in Europe is terrible. We’re squeezing them, they’re totally dependent on us for energy. We’ve got the upper hand,’” said Jacob Kirkegaard, a Brussels-based senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund. “I don’t think there is any doubt if Russians traveled around Europe, especially in the holiday destination, they will see that actually Europe is not falling apart. Yes, prices are up a bit. But that piece of Russian propaganda is easily dispelled once you come here.”

Many of these EU officials and states also argued that any ban would play right into Putin’s propaganda, and he would exploit it to claim that the West is Russophobic.

Still, the EU states that supported a visa ban largely dismissed the idea that people-to-people contact would somehow change hearts and minds. And Putin isn’t all of a sudden going to say nice things about the EU if it doesn’t enact a ban. Kristi Raik, director of the Estonian Foreign Policy Institute at the International Center for Defense and Security, said course Putin would use a visa ban as propaganda, but that shouldn’t guide EU decision-making. “We have our own narrative — and we have to be better at communicating that sometimes. But the fear of how Putin presents it can’t be a reason when we have political and security interests for blocking tourism,” Raik said.

And states like Estonia and Finland and Latvia have argued that there are practical and national security reasons for such a ban. Those countries have to deal with screenings and border checks. As experts pointed out, it’s the Estonian or Finnish border officials who have to deal with added responsibilities, like making sure any Russians doing some European shopping aren’t violating sanctions by bringing back too many luxury goods.

Some experts dismissed the idea that Russian tourists are posing any real security threat, but many countries that support a ban see it in much grander terms — that this is about increasing pressure on the Putin regime in any way possible, another targeted sanction to get more and more people dissatisfied with the regime.

Those EU governments supportive of a visa ban say pretty simply: Hey, Russians shouldn’t get the chance to vacation while their government is waging war in Ukraine and creating a spiraling humanitarian and refugee crisis on the continent. Those who can travel to Europe are likely Russians of some means, and while they may not be oligarchs or within Putin’s inner circle ( most of those people were already banned from travel anyway ), their ability to go on summer holiday legitimizes Putin’s war.

Pretty much no one believes that stopping Russians from getting tourist visas will change the course of the war in Ukraine. As Ålander pointed out, it’s far too late for that, and it’s just not how Russia works. But a ban is still a targeted sanction, one still left in the EU’s toolbox. “Sanctions are, at the moment, the best leverage that the EU has now,” Ålander said.

The EU found a middle ground on tourist visas, but this was a pretty easy test

The EU absolutely did not agree on how to approach these tourist visas, but the plan it came up with largely manages to appease all sides: it won’t cut Russians off from Europe completely, but it will make it a bit harder, and pricier, for Russians to travel there. At the same time, states in Russia’s vicinity are taking their own measures to curb Russian arrivals, which is also likely to reduce the number of Russians traveling to Europe.

Poland and the Czech Republic stopped issuing tourist visas to Russians shortly after the war began . Earlier in August, Estonia stopped issuing tourist visas to Russia. Finland is cutting the number of visas it issues to Russians by 90 percent . Other countries continue to approve visas, and because the Schengen zone doesn’t include border checks, those Russians can travel anywhere, but tighter controls from Russia’s neighbors are likely to mean fewer Russian tourists overall.

Again, as many point out, tourism isn’t the biggest issue Europe, or the West, faces on Ukraine. So much of this is a debate over symbolism, and representative of how different parts of Europe interpret their relationship with Russia now and after the war ends.

These rifts have existed throughout the war, even as, broadly, the West has rallied to support Ukraine and impose bruising sanctions on Russia , the fallout of which has also boomeranged around the world. Still, even as the West has tried to act in lockstep, there have always been some gaps. Some countries are giving way more weapons to Ukraine. Some countries are hosting more Ukrainian refugees . Some EU countries have gotten exemptions to some of the bloc’s harshest measures against Russia.

The question is how well the West’s cohesion will last under even greater pressures. Alexander Libman, a professor of Russian and East European Politics at the Free University of Berlin, said that the visa ban shouldn’t really be the focus because it was always going to have minimal policy impacts. “There is a potential for much bigger divisions, and I guess they will have to do with energy crisis,” Libman said.

Germany is facing tremendous price increases as Russia cuts off natural gas. Germany, like other parts of Europe, is embracing measures to cut back energy usage ahead of winter, but it is hard to assess how tumultuous or disruptive the crisis will be when it’s still summery and warm. Countries like Germany are emphasizing European solidarity in confronting the looming crisis, especially as Russia threatens and chokes off the continent from energy sources. But there are cracks here too; some politicians in Germany are talking about opening Nord Stream 2 . Hungary, probably Putin’s biggest defender within the EU, just signed a deal with Gazprom .

The energy crisis may strain political will, and most importantly, resources. As Libman pointed out, if countries have to pour money into battling inflation and providing assistance to their own populations, it may mean less a weakening in support for Ukraine than an inability to maintain it. Putin, at least, is likely banking on these strains across Europe — which was always his goal, no matter where Russian tourists traveled.

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A Growing Backlash Against Russian Tourists Is Dividing Europe

L aplandia greets the shopper with the powerful aroma of smoked salmon. The sprawling warehouse of a store—located on the outskirts of Lappeenranta, Finland—opens to a display counter stocked with great slabs of the fish on plastic trays, some of it cured with herbs, some of it sprinkled with local lingonberries. But Elena wasn’t there for fish. On the morning of Aug 31, the 30-year-old Russian (who declined to give her last name to avoid social media criticism) had driven about 125 miles from St. Petersburg, Russia to buy warm clothing and shoes for her young son, plus other household supplies that EU and American sanctions had made it difficult to find at home . There was an urgency to her shopping as she beelined past the candy-colored heaps of plastic sandals and gigantic bags of chips, to a row containing industrial-sized bottles of laundry detergent—aware of a looming decision by the Finnish government “I’m worried they’re going to close the border again,” she said. “So we’ve been stocking up. This is my third trip in a week.”

Elena had reason for concern. Ever since Aug. 8, when Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky called for Western countries to ban visas for Russian tourists, some European countries have been taking the suggestion very seriously. On Sept. 1, Finland—which shares a 830-mile land border with Russia—began sharply restricting the number of tourist visas it issued, from 1,000 to 100 per day. And the day before, when Elena made her third trip to Laplandia, the E.U.’s foreign ministers agreed at a meeting in Prague to make it harder—but not impossible—for Russians to travel. If some of those ministers have their way, more restrictions could be coming.

“It’s not right that at the same time as Russia is waging an aggressive, brutal war of aggression in Europe, Russians can live a normal life, travel in Europe, be tourists,” Finland’s Prime Minister Sanna Marin told broadcaster Yle on Aug. 8.

Read More: ‘There’s an Atmosphere of Fear.’ With Flights Banned, Russians Are Fleeing By Train for Europe

Marin’s country is one of the few access points into Europe after the E.U. imposed a blanket flight ban to and from Russia three days after Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine on Feb. 24. Since Russia lifted its remaining COVID-19 restrictions on July 15, the number of people driving across at border station Nuijamaa near Lappeenranta—as well as others—has surged. “I would say it has grown about 5% per week,” says Petri Kurkinen, deputy chief of the local Finnish border police. “Right now, we’re at about 3,000 people per day.”

Many of those people, like Elena, had just come for a day’s shopping and would return to Russia that same evening. But others would travel to coastal cottages in Finland for summer vacations or drive straight to the airport in Helsinki, the country’s capital, and then board flights for Spain, France, and Greece. According to Frontex, the E.U.’s border agency, more than 1 million Russians have done just that since the invasion, most of them via Finland and Estonia, which also shares a land border with Russia.

For some of Europe’s leaders, the sight of Russian tourists sunning themselves on their beach or sitting in outdoor cafés while some of their fellow citizens participate in the devastation of Ukraine, was morally untenable. They also worried about the security threat. “What do the chemical attack in Salisbury in 2018, the Czech arms depot explosion in 2014 and the killing of a Chechen dissident in Germany in 2019 have in common?” wrote Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas in a statement to TIME. “The answer: Russian agents using European tourist visas. We can see a clear pattern. Amidst aggressive Russia next door, the risk of Russian agents posing as tourists in [the] E.U. is logically higher than ever. And they do not just spy, they are often an active part of Russia’s hybrid and information warfare that’s happening alongside conventional war.”

On Aug. 18, Estonia stopped issuing tourist visas to Russians and stopped permitting entry under ones previously issued. Since then, it and other countries like Lithuania, Denmark, and the Czech Republic, have advocated for an outright ban on all Russian tourists throughout the Schengen Area—which covers 26 European countries and stretches across most of the continent. (European travel for other purposes, such as humanitarian reasons, visiting family, or to seek asylum, would remain protected.) “I simply don’t think that it is appropriate that at the same time when Ukrainian men and families have to defend their country, Russian men and Russian families can enjoy beaches in southern Europe,” says Estonian Member of the European Parliament (MEP) Urmas Paet, who serves as vice-chair of the E.U.’s Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Beyond that moral reasoning lies a political calculation: that increasing the pain for those Russians with enough disposable income to travel in Europe will encourage opposition to the Putin regime. “So far, people from Russian cities don’t actually feel the impact of Russia’s war in Ukraine,” says Paet. “The majority of soldiers come from poor provinces, not from Moscow and St. Petersburg. But if Europe bans tourists from coming, it will also increase the understanding in Moscow and St. Petersburg. And that may influence policy making.”

Yet other countries, including Germany, France, Spain, and Greece, have pushed back against that argument. Some leaders say that it is unfair to punish ordinary Russians for the policies of their government, particularly in an authoritarian country where the costs of dissent are high. Others contended that a visa ban would impede the work of dissidents attempting to collaborate with their counterparts outside Russia. “While limiting contacts with regime representatives and authorities to areas of vital EU interest, we need to strategically fight for the ‘hearts and minds’ of the Russian population—at least the segments not yet completely estranged from ‘the West,'” read a joint memo from France and Germany, according to a Reuters report on Aug. 30.

Opponents to the ban also expressed doubt that, in a country where it remains illegal to refer to the war as, in fact, a war, it would generate enough dissatisfaction inside Russia to have any kind of meaningful impact on the regime. “The political argument is completely misleading because less than a third of the Russian population has a passport to travel abroad,” says Marie Dumoulin, director of the Wider Europe program at the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) Instead of leading to policy change, it would instead be “a wonderful argument for Kremlin propaganda. It will be presented as proof that it’s not about Russia waging a war against Ukraine, it’s the West waging a war against Russia, because the West is Russophobic. The Kremlin will say, ‘see, they don’t like Russians, they don’t want to see Russians in Europe.’”

Read More: In a War of Ideas, Banning Russian Propaganda Does More Harm Than Good

Ahead of the Prague meeting, tension between E.U. states over the proposed ban had grown quite sharp. But with European unity at stake, the bloc’s foreign ministers managed to reach a compromise, and decided to suspend a 2007 agreement that facilitated visas for Russians. (It’s unclear when this will take effect.) As a result, the cost of a tourist visa will rise from 35 euros to 80, the amount of documentation required from applicants will increase, and the length of time for obtaining a visa will stretch from a maximum of 10 days to 15.

The ECFR’s Dumoulin sees the decision as a success simply because it represents a compromise. “At some point, European unity is itself a policy goal. And it’s a much more important goal than setting symbols.”

Yet others aren’t so sure. The decision represents “a step in the right direction,” according to MEP Paet, but it “doesn’t go far enough.” And because it doesn’t prevent some countries from taking further action, as Finland and Estonia have done, the debate may not be over yet. As the border closures of the pandemic have shown, the Schengen agreement requiring visa-free travel among member states can be more flexible than expected in certain cases.

Those cases include security risks. “By the end of the meeting in Prague, a big number of E.U. countries were convinced that 12 million Russian citizens with valid, long term Schengen visas is a problem to E.U. security,” Lithuanian minister of foreign affairs, Gabrielius Landsbergis, wrote to TIME. “Thus, E.U. member states bordering Russia may apply national or regional security measures. Together with Estonia, Latvia, and Poland, in the coming weeks, we will seek to find solutions that will allow us to significantly limit the flow of Russian tourists.”

Back in Lappeenranta, which sits less than 40 miles from its sister city Vyborg in Russia, Finns are largely happy with the new restrictions, says Mayor Kimmo Jarva. The city has a long history of peaceful ties with its neighbor to the south, and in fact, counts some 3,000 Russian-speakers among its population of 72,000. Lappeenranta’s economy also relies—or has relied— heavily on Russian shoppers for years. “Before COVID, there were about 4,000 Russians coming every day,” Jarva says. “Now we are losing about 1 million euros every day. That started with COVID, but even now, many think we shouldn’t let them come. Although his city is “suffering economically,” Jarva says the sacrifice is worthwhile.

From his window in city hall, Jarva can gaze out at a cemetery where every headstone, he says, belongs to a soldier shot by Russians in the Second World War. That memory helps explain the local population’s desire to show its support to Ukraine—and just maybe irk Russian tourists.

So every evening at 7:30 p.m. for the past month, city hall speakers have boomed Ukraine’s national anthem. “We wanted to show our support, but also put a little bit of pressure on Russians, because we think it’s wrong that they can come and live a normal life,” Jarva says of the initiative. “Our citizens told us to do something. This is democracy.”

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Europeans Debate Barring Russian Tourists Over the Invasion of Ukraine

A proposed visa ban has divided many Europeans, with some arguing it would increase pressure inside Russia and others questioning whether it plays into Kremlin claims of persecution by the West.

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By Steven Erlanger and Neil MacFarquhar

BRUSSELS — A proposal that the European Union ban visas for all Russian tourists because of the Ukraine invasion has set off a debate in the continent’s capitals about morality, legality, collective guilt and the use of power.

Already, some nations, like Estonia, are implementing their own bans, canceling some visas and refusing to allow Russian tourists to enter. Other countries, like Germany, argue a blanket ban will hurt Russians opposed to President Vladimir V. Putin and his war. Still others say the European Union cannot afford to show divisions over the issue and needs to come up with a consensus policy.

Further fueling the debate, the Czech government, which holds the current presidency of the European Union, will raise the proposal with foreign ministers at the end of this month.

Beyond the legal and moral issues raised by the proposed ban, suggested this month by President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine, lies a more practical question: Would it have the intended effect, as its proponents say, of driving home to the Russian people the costs of the war begun by their autocratic president, Vladimir V. Putin? Or would it, as critics say, produce the opposite result by antagonizing and alienating Russians, while reinforcing Mr. Putin’s claims that the West is trying to destroy Russia?

Benjamin Tallis, a Berlin-based analyst, argued that bans would not just stop Russians from taking European vacations while their troops kill Ukrainians, but would also provide a chance for Europeans to use their power for moral and strategic ends.

“A ban is a really strong show of resolve,” he said. “The European Union is very conscious of its openness and transformative power, and shutting that down is a powerful sign.”

It would tell Russians, “travel to Europe is a privilege, and you value it, and we’re going to take it away,” he said. “Power begets power, and in general the E.U. and some states, especially Germany, are very shy about using the real power they do have.”

Lithuania’s foreign minister, Gabrielius Landsbergis, has argued that if the Russians who oppose the war were compelled to stay home, they could help bring about change. Yet polls indicate the war is popular among most Russians , who generally get their news from state media .

Chancellor Olaf Scholz of Germany criticized the proposal on Monday, saying “this is Putin’s war” and “not the Russian people’s.” It was “important to us to understand that there are a lot of people fleeing from Russia because they are disagreeing with the Russian regime,” he said.

In Russia, too, there has been considerable reaction, with many dissidents opposing a blanket ban.

A ban could face legal challenges. Sarah Ganty, a visiting professor at the Central European University in Vienna, argued that comprehensive ban would be illegal under E.U. law. And Gérard Araud, a former French ambassador to the United States and the United Nations, asserted that “collective punishment is contrary to international law” and that a ban “has no realistic, achievable goal.”

He added: “It is contrary to European values to randomly punish innocent individuals — it is not because the other side doesn’t respect any values that we should forget ours.”

Some proponents of a ban contend the European Union has largely run out of new sanctions to impose on Russia and Mr. Putin’s circle. Restrictions on technology and banking, done in concert with Washington, have hurt Russia’s economy badly , and the West is isolating Russia diplomatically.

But critics say the European Union should first enforce existing sanctions. The most important, on the importation of all Russian energy sources except coal, contain many exceptions , have been delayed or have not yet come into force, providing billions in funds to the Kremlin.

After Mr. Zelensky raised the visa ban idea, it was taken up by leaders of countries close to Russia, which with the exception of Finland were occupied by Moscow after World War II.

Most prominent among them are Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Finland and Poland, which share land borders with Russia. They have had to handle a relatively large influx of Russian tourists wanting to enter Europe, because Brussels banned all flights between Russia and the European Union. Once they enter the European Union, those tourists can fly elsewhere inside Europe’s free travel zone, called the Schengen area.

The proposal has caught the attention of the estimated 15 percent of Russians who travel abroad, many of whom also tend to oppose Mr. Putin. Tens of thousands of people have fled Russia since the invasion, knowing that to criticize the war could bring years in prison and heavy fines.

Banning Russian tourists would do nothing to weaken Mr. Putin, argued Viktor A. Shenderovich, a satirist who left Russia this year.

“Putin is out of reach, but you can reach a teacher, a doctor, Putin’s hostages, people who have been Putin’s hostages for quite a while, and make their lives even harder,” he said.

He was among the prominent figures on the Russian Anti-War Committee who asserted a ban would “clearly play to the Kremlin’s advantage.”

Russian state media has responded with mockery. On the “60 Minutes” show on Monday, the presenter Olga Skabeyeva said Europe had switched from trying to isolate Russia to isolating all Russians. Ban supporters, she said, “stabbed in the back the Russian fifth column and said that visas for Europe should not be issued even to the Russian opposition.”

On social media, some Russians said a ban would be immoral, and some suggested Europeans were being hypocritical, more willing to stop people than the gas that funds the war.

“You can remain useful for your country while being in another place,” Ivan Pavlov, a human rights lawyer who also left Russia, wrote on Facebook. “Thanks to the internet, Russians abroad have even more opportunities in this regard than those who remain.”

But Toomas Hendrik Ilves, the former president of Estonia, told the BBC a visa ban would be “one of the most humane kinds of sanctions, because it doesn’t affect poor Russians and affects the middle class and the rich ones.”

Radoslaw Sikorski, a former Polish foreign minister and now a European lawmaker, argued any restrictions should be agreed upon by Schengen-area members, “because the decisions of any one country affect everybody else.”

But Mr. Sikorski believes a ban is misguided. “The objective should be not only for Ukraine to defend itself, but for Russia to be transformed,” he said, noting the experience of Poles who, through travel, could compare life under communism to that in the West.

There are other options, he said, such as more stringent vetting procedures for Russians who apply for visas, and perhaps even requiring applicants to state they do not contribute to the war.

In fact, Estonia had already canceled many Schengen visas granted to Russians, and stopped issuing most new ones. But under Schengen rules, it cannot prevent Russians with visas granted in other Schengen countries from entering Estonia by land.

Latvia and Finland recently tightened their restrictions, with Finland cutting the visas it issues to Russians by 90 percent, to only 100 a day. Lithuania and the Czech Republic have paused issuing visas to most Russians.

For Mr. Zelensky, the matter is clear: Russians, he said, “should live in their own world until they change their philosophy.” Ukraine’s foreign minister, Dmytro Kuleba, put the country’s position in blunt terms. Russians, he said this month, “must be deprived of the right to cross international borders until they learn to respect them.”

Steven Erlanger reported from Brussels, and Neil MacFarquhar from Istanbul. Alina Lobzina contributed reporting from Istanbul, Johanna Lemola from Helsinki and Carly Olson from New York.

Steven Erlanger is the chief diplomatic correspondent in Europe, based in Brussels. He previously reported from London, Paris, Jerusalem, Berlin, Prague, Moscow and Bangkok. More about Steven Erlanger

Neil MacFarquhar is a national correspondent. Previously, as Moscow bureau chief, he was on the team awarded the 2017 Pulitzer Prize in International Reporting . He spent more than 15 years reporting from around the Mideast, including five as Cairo bureau chief, and wrote two books about the region. More about Neil MacFarquhar

clock This article was published more than  1 year ago

Kremlin sharply critical of Ukraine’s call for travel ban on Russians

RIGA, Latvia — The Kremlin on Tuesday condemned Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s call to ban all Russian travelers from visiting Western countries to stop Russia from annexing any more Ukrainian territory.

“The only possible attitude we can have is extremely negative,” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told journalists Tuesday, after Zelensky told The Washington Post that all Russians, including tourists, business executives, students and others, should be denied visas to travel to the West.

Zelensky said that “the most important sanctions are to close the borders — because the Russians are taking away someone else’s land.” Russians should “live in their own world until they change their philosophy,” he added.

Finland, Estonia and Latvia have either expressed concerns about Russian tourists traveling to Europe during Russia’s brutal war, or have stopped issuing visas. The leaders of countries in the European Union are expected to discuss the issue later this month, raising the prospect of a sanction that would hurt those in Russia’s middle class, who love to vacation in France, Italy and Spain and to send their children to top universities overseas.

Peskov said such ideas “smell bad” and that any attempt to isolate Russia or Russians has no prospect of success.

“In fact, this is a statement that speaks for itself. Of course, most likely, their irrational thinking has gone over the top in this case,” Peskov said. He reiterated the Kremlin’s line on sanctions — that they hurt Western countries, especially Europe, more than Russia, as Russia seeks to widen any cracks between the United States and Europe on sanctions.

“Zelensky needs to understand that European countries, which … have been trying to punish Russia … have started paying the price,” Peskov said. “Both the countries and their citizens are paying the price. Sooner or later, these countries will wonder if Zelensky is doing everything right, considering that their citizens have to pay for his whims.”

Some countries have already stopped issuing visas to Russians or have demanded that arriving Russians sign statements opposing President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. Latvia last week announced that it was indefinitely halting the issuance of visas to Russians and requiring Russian travelers entering the country with existing visas to sign statements opposing the war against Ukraine.

Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas called Tuesday for European countries to bar Russian tourists.

“Stop issuing tourist visas to Russians. Visiting #Europe is a privilege, not a human right,” she said in a tweet, adding: “Time to end tourism from Russia now.” Kallas said countries bordering Russia are bearing the brunt of Russian visa applications, with Russians traveling by land to those countries before flying on to other destinations because the European Union closed its airspace to Russian aircraft after the invasion of Ukraine.

Finnish Prime Minister Sanna Marin said Monday that Russian tourists should not be able to travel to Europe for vacations. She said she expects the issue to be discussed by leaders of E.U. nations later this month.

“It’s not right that at the same time as Russia is waging an aggressive, brutal war of aggression in Europe, Russians can live a normal life, travel in Europe, be tourists. It’s not right,” she told Finnish national public broadcaster Yle.

According to Finland’s Foreign Ministry, many Russians use the country as a transit point to travel to other destinations, with Russian border crossings increasing by as much as 30 percent since last month, when coronavirus travel restrictions between the two countries were lifted.

In southern Ukraine, meanwhile, Russian proxies appointed to run occupied regions continue to push ahead with plans for referendums as early as next month on becoming part of Russia.

Russia’s appointees have said they could hold annexation votes next month in the occupied parts of Ukraine’s east and south — in the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions — in an effort to legitimize Russian occupation of the areas. The plans are a reprise of Russia’s playbook in 2014, when referendums were held in Crimea and two self-proclaimed separatist “republics” in eastern Ukraine. The votes did not win international acceptance, but Russia used them to cement its grip on the regions, subsequently annexing Crimea and, just before the Feb. 24 invasion, recognizing the two pro-Moscow republics as independent.

The Kremlin’s main dilemma in pushing ahead with referendums, according to analysts , is that they would lack legitimacy in the case of clear election fraud and intimidation. And Putin is viewed as unlikely to be happy with less than about 90 percent of voters approving annexation by Russia.

But the Russian state-owned Tass news agency reported Monday that voting in Zaporizhzhia could be held online, fueling further alarm that the vote could be manipulated. Russia used online voting in 2021 elections, a system that opposition candidates condemned, saying it was used to falsify the results and defeat opposition members.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken and senior White House officials have warned that any attempted land grab through “sham” referendums would bring “additional costs imposed upon Russia.”

In addition to its referendum plans, Moscow is taking other measures to incorporate occupied Ukrainian regions into Russia, with top officials visiting frequently. Among them is Sergei Kiriyenko, first deputy head of the presidential administration, who is driving the integration effort.

Moscow also is sending hundreds of Russian schoolteachers to Ukraine to implement Russia’s education curriculum, including its take on Ukrainian history. It is broadcasting Russian state propaganda about its “denazification” of the country and is issuing Russian passports to Ukrainian citizens.

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Russians Banned From Travel to Hand Over Passports Within Five Days -Decree

FILE PHOTO: Russian passports are pictured at Goznak printing factory in Moscow, Russia July 11, 2019. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov/File Photo

(Reuters) - Russians who have been banned from travelling abroad will have to hand over their passports to authorities within five days after being notified, according to a government decree that comes into force on Monday.

According to the Russian law, authorities can impose a travel ban on conscripts, employees of the Federal Security Service (FSB), convicts, or people who have access to state secrets or "information of special importance," among others.

The returned passport will be stored by the authorities that issued it, such as the interior ministry or the foreign ministry authorities.

After the travel ban is lifted, the passport could be returned upon completing an application, according to the government decree.

Those whose right to travel was temporarily limited on the basis of conscription for military or alternative civilian service will have to additionally provide a military ID with a proof that they completed service, the resolution says.

In March, the Financial Times reported, citing unnamed sources close to the matter, that Russia's security services were confiscating the passports of senior officials and state company executives to prevent overseas travel.

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(Reporting by Lidia Kelly in Melbourne; Editing by Jamie Freed)

Copyright 2023 Thomson Reuters .

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• EASA Community Network

EU restrictive measures against Russia

Disclaimer: The information included in the frequently asked questions (FAQs) has been coordinated with relevant services of the EU Commission and intends to help and give guidance to national authorities, EU operators and citizens for the implementation of Council Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 and Council Regulation (EU) No 269/2014. The FAQs do not have binding effect. Under the EU Treaties, Member States are responsible for implementing EU law in their national legal system. In case of individual matters, please contact your competent authority.

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Common issues - restrictive measures russia, design certificates and design organisation approvals - restrictive measures russia, production organisations - restrictive measures russia, aircraft maintenance and continuing airworthiness - restrictive measures russia, training and licensing of maintenance personnel - restrictive measures russia, aircrew training and licensing - restrictive measures russia, aircraft operations - restrictive measures russia, easa tco authorisations - restrictive measures russia, operation of unmanned aircraft - restrictive measures russia, atm/ans - restrictive measures russia.

For more information, please see ' Restrictive measures – Russia's military attack on Ukraine '.

Expand all questions

What is the legal basis for the EU restrictive measures against Russia?

In the aftermath of the Russian armed attack against Ukraine on 25.02.2022, the EU Council adopted different packages of sanctions against Russia. A comprehensive description of those measures can be found on the website of the EU Council https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/sanctions/restrictive-measures-ukraine-crisis/

The two key legislative instruments (“Sanctions Regulations”) are:

• Council Regulation (EU) 833/2014: this regulation contains the sectorial measures such as export bans and other aviation measures such as the overflight ban  
• Council Regulation (EU) 269/2014: this regulation contains the asset freeze and the prohibition to make any funds or economic resources available to persons and entities that are listed. Please note individuals can be subject to an asset freeze under other Regulations. This can be check in the Financial Sanctions Files: https://webgate.ec.europa.eu/fsd/fsf#!/files  

These legislative instruments have been amended many times since the start of the invasion of Ukraine to integrate the new measures. This is done via the so-called “packages”. With respect to aviation the following two packages are most relevant:

• Package no. 1 consisting of: (a) Council Decision (CFSP) 2022/327, amending Council Decision 2014/512/CFSP, and (b) Council Regulation (EU) 2022/328, amending Council Regulation (EU) No 833/2014. Both amending acts were published in the OJ L 49 of 25.02.2022 and contain a comprehensive export ban on goods and technology, including in the aviation sector.   
• Package no. 2 consisting of: (a) Council Regulation (EU) 2022/334, also amending Council Regulation (EU) 833/2014, and (b) Council Decision (CFSP) 2022/335, which amends again Decision 2014/512/CFSP. These amending acts were published in the OJ L 77 of 28.02.2022 and in particular ban any Russian air carriers from flying into, over or out of the territory of the European Union. 

In addition, Council Regulation (EU) 269/2014 has been amended multiple times by adding new persons and entities to the list of persons, entities, and bodies subject to restrictive measures which have been set out in Annex I to that Regulation. 

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What does “technical assistance” mean.

The definition of “technical assistance” is set in Article 1(c) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, as amended by Regulation (EU) 2022/328, and it means any technical support related to repairs, development, manufacture, assembly, testing, maintenance, or any other technical service, and may take forms such as instruction, advice, training, transmission of working knowledge or skills or consulting services, including verbal forms of assistance.

Do the Sanction Regulations restrict a Russian citizen holding a personnel licence issued in accordance with Regulation (EU) 2018/1139 to exercise the privileges of the licence inside the EU (e.g. flying an aircraft for private purposes or for an EU airline, conducting maintenance for an EU aircraft, working in an EU Part 145 organisation, working as cabin crew in EU airlines)?

It is necessary to make a distinction between a Russian citizen who holds a personnel licence and is employed by a non-sanctioned (EU or non-EU) carrier or organisation (e.g. Part-145 organisation), and someone who either flies or maintains an aircraft that is subject to sanctions, or flies privately. Exercising the privileges of an EU personnel license by Russian citizens for the benefit of an organisation not subject to the sanctions is permitted. Further details may be found in FAQs addressing the various types of personnel licenses.

Who must comply with the provisions of the Regulation? What about holders of dual EU-Russia citizenship?

EU sanctions create legal obligations for all EU operators, and in respect of any business conducted within the EU. Article 13 of the Regulation defines the scope of jurisdiction. Dual nationality does not release a person from EU sanctions.

Is it allowed to execute contracts that have been concluded before the adoption of the sanctions (e.g. deliveries with EASA Form 1, Form 52)?

Yes. Article 3c(5) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, as amended by Regulation (EU) 2022/328 allows that, with regard to the goods listed in Annex XI, namely aircraft, spacecraft, and parts thereof, the prohibitions listed in paragraphs 1 and 4 of that article, shall not apply to the execution until 28 March 2022 of contracts concluded before 26 February 2022, or ancillary contracts necessary for the execution of such contracts.

The wind down provision applies to subsections 1 and 4 only. It does not apply to paragraphs 2 and 3, which cover inter alia overhaul, repair, inspection, replacement, modification or defect rectification of an aircraft or component, with the exception of pre-flight inspection, in relation to the goods and technology listed in Annex XI, directly or indirectly, to any natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia or for use in Russia.

Provided an insurance contract was concluded before 26 February 2022, insurance services for the sale, supply, transfer or export of goods and technologies listed in Annex XI are not subject to restrictions until 28 March 2022. On the other hand, the prohibition of insurance and reinsurance in subsection 2 applies as from 26 February 2022.

Furthermore, it should be noted, that many aviation products may also be impacted by the prohibition on sale and supply of dual-use goods, as foreseen in Article 2 of the Regulation (EU) No 833/2014.

We understand that following evaluation of the terms „technical assistance” and “other services” as mentioned in the Sanctions Regulations, EASA has suspended certificates issued to organisations in Russia. Is this interpretation also applicable to approvals and certificates issued by EU Member States in the same way?

These definitions have the same meaning in all EU Member States, the Sanctions Regulations are directly applicable therein. It is the exclusive prerogative and responsibility of the Member States to assess and decide, on a case-by-case basis, on adequate actions to effectively implement the Sanctions Regulations.

As the holder of an organisation approval (DOA, POA, MOA, CAMO, etc) granted under Regulations (EU) 748/2012 or 1321/2014, can I use my privileges for products, parts or appliances to be used by any natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia or for use in Russia?

No, the use of privileges granted under Regulations (EU) 748/2012 or 1321/2014 is prohibited for products, parts or appliances to be used by any natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia or for use in Russia as referred to in Article 3c.

What actions has EASA taken concerning design certificates and design organisation approvals?

EASA suspended all type certificate, ETSO authorisations and design organisation approvals issued by EASA to organisations in Russia.

Do the Sanctions Regulations supersede the continued airworthiness obligations of the EU type certificate holders (TCHs) stemming from Regulation (EU) No 748/2012, hence the continued airworthiness (CAW) support to Russian operators and owners should be stopped?

Yes, the Sanctions Regulations supersede the continued airworthiness support obligations of the EU TCHs and other design approval holders. In particular, with Article 3c (4)(a) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, as amended by Council Regulation (EU) 2022/328 of 25 February 2022, it is prohibited to provide technical assistance or other services related to the goods and technology suited for use in aviation or the space industry, whether or not originating in the Union, and to the provision, manufacture, maintenance and use of those goods and technology, directly or indirectly, to any natural or legal person, entity or body in the Russia or for use in Russian.

Does the definition of “technical assistance” cover the provision of safety-related information?

Yes. The definition of “technical assistance” is set in Article 1(c) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, as amended by Regulation (EU) 2022/328, and it means any technical support related to repairs, development, manufacture, assembly, testing, maintenance, or any other technical service, and may take forms such as instruction, advice, training, transmission of working knowledge or skills or consulting services, including verbal forms of assistance. Thus, the definition covers also provision of safety related information. It is the operators’ responsibility not to operate an aircraft if its state of safety is uncertain.

Am I allowed to send any type of technical information, including safety information related to the design, to my customer in Russia, or maintain my Russian customer’s access to my dedicated IT system for such information (e.g. service bulletins, manuals)?

No, the provision of technical information, including safety information related to the design, is considered technical assistance to manufacture, maintenance and/or use of an aircraft under the sanctions. Please refer to the definition of “technical assistance” set in Article 1(c) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, as amended by Regulation (EU) 2022/328. Only information accessible to the public (e.g. EASA Safety Publications Tool - Airworthiness Directive website) remains accessible to Russian customers.

Are EU organisations permitted to answer questions received from FATA about on-going validation of modifications?

No. Providing answers to the questions would constitute technical assistance to FATA, which is prohibited by the EU sanctions.

Will EASA issue flight condition to Russian products issued with an EASA type certificate?

No, as that is considered technical assistance prohibited by the sanctions. Please refer to the definition of “technical assistance” set in Article 1(c) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, as amended by Regulation (EU) 2022/328.

Can a holder of a design organisation approval (DOA) apply to EASA for a supplemental type certificate (STC) or other design approval (e.g. minor change) for a product, part or non-installed equipment, that is to be installed on an aircraft operated by a Russian operator?

No. Design approvals for an aircraft operated by a Russian operator falls within the scope of the Sanctions Regulations. Therefore, EASA will not accept such applications.

Can a holder of a design organisation approval (DOA) issue design approvals under its privileges, that is to be used on an aircraft operated by a Russian operator?

No. Design approvals for an aircraft operated by a Russian operator falls within the scope of the Sanctions Regulations. Therefore, no such approval is allowed to be issued under the DOA privileges.

EASA suspended aircraft type certificates issued to organisations in Russia. Can the individual aircraft of these types registered in EU Member States continue to be operated by EU operators?

The consequence of the suspension of the aircraft type certificate is that the Certificate of Airworthiness for individual aircraft of these type registered in the Member States lost their validity.

If the affected aircraft have been operated for military, customs, police search and rescue, firefighting, border control, coastguard or similar activities or services, these aircraft are not regulated by the Basic Regulation (Article 2 paragraph 3(a) refers) and are subject to national law, unless the Member State decided under Article 2(6) of the Basic Regulation to apply the EU aviation safety legislation, among others, for the airworthiness of the aircraft. Therefore, it is for the State of Registry to determine the certification, continuing airworthiness and operational basis for aircraft used for activities and services listed in Article 2(3)(a) of the Basic Regulation.

If the affected aircraft have been operated in accordance with the Basic Regulation, then these operations may continue either under a permit to fly to the extent permitted by Regulation (EU) No 748/2012, or through the issuance by the State of Operator of temporary exemptions under Article 71 of the Basic Regulation. Member States are advised to contact EASA prior to issuing such exemptions. Please note that under the Basic Regulation it is not possible for EASA to issue specific airworthiness specification (SAS) any longer.

It is the exclusive prerogative and responsibility of the Member States to assess and decide, on a case-by-case basis, on the possibility to use these aircraft, subject to under either EU or national law, in view of the restrictive measures of the Sanctions Regulations and ensuring the principal objective of civil aviation safety.

Will EASA continue to monitor, and eventually adopt FATA Airworthiness Directives for Russian types whose type certificate was suspended by EASA?

Regarding mandatory continuing airworthiness information, EASA will continue to monitor the Airworthiness Directives (ADs) issued by FATA on the six Russian aircraft types the type certificate of which were suspended by EASA and may adopt certain FATA ADs affecting types validated by EASA, even though the type certificate has been suspended.

Will ADs issued by EASA to Russian types that were recently suspended remain valid?

Yes. These ADs remain valid and publicly available in the EASA Safety Publication Tool.

My organisation is holder of a type certificate issued by EASA and a Russian operator of my product reported an occurrence to us. Are we allowed to have an exchange with the Russian operator to investigate the reported occurrence?

The sanctions do not prohibit that technical information is received by EASA type certificate holders (or other EASA design approval holders) from organisations or operators located in Russia. Therefore, EASA type certificate holders are not prevented from receiving or requesting information from a Russian operator of their product with a view to investigating an occurrence and evaluating the related safety issues.  However, the EASA type certificate holder should ensure that during those exchanges no technical data or information (including those related to the type design), instruction, advice, working knowledge or skills  or consulting services, etc., are provided by that type certificate holder to the Russian operator, as that would be considered provision of technical assistance related to goods and technology which is forbidden by the sanctions.

As the holder of a Production Organisation Approval (POA) granted under EU regulation 748/2012 Annex I (regardless of my Principal Place of Business), can I release engines, propellers, parts or appliances with an EASA Form 1 to a customer in Russia, or for use in Russia?

In accordance with Article 3c(1) and 3c (4)(a) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, as amended by Council Regulation (EU) 2022/328 of 25 February 2022, it is prohibited to sell, supply, transfer or export aeronautical goods listed in Annex XI, or to provide technical assistance or other services related to the goods and technology suited for use in aviation or the space industry,  whether or not originating in the Union, and to the provision, manufacture, maintenance and use of those goods and technology, directly or indirectly, to any natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia or for use in Russia.

Accordingly, holders of a POA granted under EU regulation 748/2012 Annex I (regardless of the Principal Place of Business) are forbidden to release engines, propellers, parts or appliances with an EASA Form 1 to a customer, broker, vendor, natural or legal person, entity or body known to be located in Russia or to be used in Russia.

As the holder of a POA granted under EU regulation 748/2012 Annex I (regardless of my Principal Place of Business), can I have approved or unapproved location(s) in Russia from where I exercise my privileges granted under 21.A.163?

In accordance with Article 3c (4)(a) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, as amended by Council Regulation (EU) 2022/328 of 25 February 2022, it is prohibited to provide technical assistance or other services related to the goods and technology suited for use in aviation or the space industry,  whether or not originating in the Union, and to the provision, manufacture, maintenance and use of those goods and technology, directly or indirectly, to any natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia or known to be used in Russia.

Accordingly, holders of a POA granted under EU regulation 748/2012 Annex I (regardless of their Principal Place of Business) are forbidden to exercise their privileges from an approved or unapproved location in Russia.

As the holder of a POA granted under EU regulation 748/2012 Annex I (regardless of my Principal Place of Business), can I issue the EASA Form 52 (Aircraft Statement of Conformity) or the EASA Form 53 (Certificate of Release to Service) for an aircraft registered in Russia, owned by a Russian entity, or to be operated in Russia?

In accordance with Article 3c (4)(a) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, as amended by Council Regulation (EU) 2022/328 of 25 February 2022, it is prohibited to provide technical assistance or other services related to the goods and technology suited for use in aviation or the space industry,  whether or not originating in the Union, and to the provision, manufacture, maintenance and use of those goods and technology, directly or indirectly, to any natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia or for use in Russia.

Accordingly, holders of a POA granted under EU regulation 748/2012 Annex I (regardless of their Principal Place of Business) are forbidden to exercise their privileges on an aircraft registered in Russia, owned by a Russian natural or legal person, entity or body, or to be operated in Russia.

As the holder of a POA granted under EU regulation 748/2012 Annex I (regardless of my Principal Place of Business), can I issue a Permit to Fly for an aircraft registered in Russia, owned by a Russian entity, or to be operated in Russia?

However, for an aircraft registered in the EU, operated within the EU airspace by an EU operator and owned by an EU entity regardless of its livery and end-customer, issuing a Permit to Fly for the purpose of completing the manufacturing cycle and/or re-allocating customer would not be forbidden by the existing EU sanctions on Russia.

What actions has EASA taken in the domain of aircraft maintenance?

EASA has suspended all Part-145 and CAMO approvals issued by EASA to organisations in Russia.

As an organisation approved in accordance with Regulation (EU) 1321/2014, am I allowed to provide maintenance services to Russian operated*, registered, or owned aircraft which is for use in Russia, including engines, components and parts thereof?

*Operated by a natural person which is a resident of Russia, or any legal person, entity or body established in Russia.

According to Article 3c of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, as amended by Regulation (EU) 2022/328, such aircraft cannot benefit from services regulated under Regulation (EU) 1321/2014 as detailed in the following: 

Under Article 3c(4), it is prohibited to provide: 

(i)    technical assistance (which includes any technical support related to maintenance per Article 1(c)) related to the goods and technology in the Annex; and 

(ii)    maintenance of those goods and technology, 

directly or indirectly, to any natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia or for use in Russia.

In addition, the following terms should be understood as:

(i) “Any natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia” should be understood as covering any natural person which is a resident of Russia, and any legal person, entity or body established in Russia, independently of their citizenship/ownership. A contrario, the expression does not cover Russian citizens or Russian owned companies which are not resident in Russia/established in Russia.

(ii) “For use in Russia” should be understood as covering the sale/supply/transfer/export of goods/services which would be used in Russia, including operations between two points in Russia.

1.     Scope of application of Article 3c in relation to maintenance/repair

In light of the above:

It is prohibited , under Article 3c, to provide repair /maintenance services to:

• any aircraft operated by a Russian air carrier, as Russian air carriers are companies incorporated in Russia, hence fall in the scope of “natural or legal persons, entities or bodies in Russia”;  
• any aircraft owned by a person which is a resident of Russia, or by a company established in Russia, independently of their citizenship/ownership, as such persons/companies also fall in the scope of “natural or legal persons, entities or bodies in Russia”;  
• any aircraft, independently of its ownership, which is being used or will be used for providing air transport services between points inside Russia (whether in connection or not with an international service).

For the sake of clarification, this prohibition applies also if the abovementioned aircraft is grounded in the EU. It is not prohibited , under Article 3c, to provide repair /maintenance to:

• aircraft which is owned by a natural person which resides outside of Russia, or by a company established outside of Russia, even if the natural person has Russian citizenship or that the company is Russian owned, unless the aircraft is being used or will be used for providing air transport services between points inside Russia (whether in connection or not with an international service).

When an aircraft is owned by a natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia, and is leased to a non-Russian airline/company, it can be repaired/maintained if the leasing contract imposes on the lessee the obligation to maintain that aircraft.

2.     The scope of application of Article 3c in relation to technical assistance

The term “technical assistance” is defined in Article  1(c) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, as amended by Regulation (EU) 2022/328, as “any technical support related to repairs, development, manufacture, assembly, testing, maintenance, or any other technical service, and may take forms such as instruction, advice, training, transmission of working knowledge or skills or consulting services, including verbal forms of assistance”.

In light of that definition, and of the above clarification of the meaning of “natural or legal persons, entities or bodies in Russia” and “for use in Russia”:

It is prohibited , under Article 3c, to provide technical assistance (which includes any technical support related to maintenance) related to the aviation goods and technology to:

• any Russian air carrier;  
• any natural person which is a resident of Russia, or any company established in Russia, independently of their citizenship/ownership;  
• a natural person or company established outside Russia, independently of their citizenship/ownership, where that person will make use of the received assistance/services in Russia, or will use the assistance/service received to provide assistance/services to an aircraft/parts/components used in Russia, including between points inside Russia (whether in connection or not with an international service).

The above prohibition applies independently of whether the assistance/service is physically provided in the territory of the Union or outside.

It is not prohibited , under Article 3c, to provide technical assistance (including maintenance) services related to the aviation goods and technology and to the provision, manufacture, maintenance and use of those goods and technology, directly or indirectly, to:

• a natural person which resides outside of Russia, or to a company established outside of Russia, even if that natural person has Russian citizenship or that company is Russian owned, unless that natural person or company would make use of the received assistance/services in Russia, or use the assistance/service received to provide assistance/services to an aircraft/parts/components used in Russia, including between points inside Russia (whether in connection or not with an international service).

Furthermore, maintenance organisations are also reminded that the privileges of their EU approval are granted to ensure continuing airworthiness of aircraft, including any component for installation thereto, subject to Regulation (EU) No 1321/2014.

Finally, please see also FAQ #136906 for the situation where the asset freeze list contained in Annex I of Regulation 269/2014 applies.

Is it allowed for a maintenance organisation to provide maintenance services to Russian aircraft subject to the sanctions, including engines, components and parts thereof, to facilitate their storage while they are banned from operating in the EU airspace, e.g. to park aircraft for short term storage, engine preservation etc.?

Maintenance organisations are not prevented from, e.g. towing the sanctioned aircraft to a parking position where it can be stored out of the way and from fixing any leaks etc. to avoid environmental problems, but measures to retain or improve the value or airworthiness of sanctioned aircraft intended for use in Russia, are not as such allowed. For guidance on the interpretation of the restrictive measures affecting aircraft maintenance services, please consult FAQ #136169 .

However, maintenance service can be made available for aircraft, including engines, components and parts thereof, owned by EU leasing companies, which are being returned from Russian operators, because at that point they are no longer operated by the Russian operator. The EU leasing company has taken control of the aircraft, engine, component, or part and may return it to a location outside Russia. 

Please see however question FAQ #136906 for the situation where the asset freeze list contained in Annex I of Regulation 269/2014 applies.

Is it allowed for an EU maintenance organisation to perform maintenance in Russia in accordance with Regulation (EU) 1321/2014 on EU registered aircraft in order for them to meet the airworthiness requirements necessary for the return flight or in order to meet their leasing return conditions?

Yes, assuming the aircraft is not in Russian register and has been returned to the lessor’s control. This is allowed because once the aircraft has been returned to the (non-Russian) lessor it is no longer chartered, leased or otherwise controlled by a Russian person per Article 3d of Regulation 833/2014.

Is it allowed for a maintenance organisation approved by EASA under Part-145 to perform maintenance on components and provide such components to a non-EU, non-Russian operator, if this operator operates the aircraft to Russia?

Yes, if this aircraft is not being used to fly domestically in Russia, or to otherwise circumvent the sanctions (N.B. Article 12 prohibits any measures that would result in circumventing the sanctions).

Can maintenance services be provided to aircraft operated by an EU operator which is owned by a Russian citizen/entity?

A maintenance organisation should first identify whether a listed individual or entity under EU sanctions* owns or controls the aircraft. If this is the case, this individual or entity is subject to an asset freeze and a prohibition to make funds and economic resources hence the services should not be provided. 

Furthermore, as to the allowability to provide maintenance services, maintenance organisations are invited to consult the guidance provided in FAQ #136169 regarding the interpretation of Article 3c of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 as regards aircraft to be used in Russia. 

Should maintenance services be possible according to Article 3c, please note that Article 3d of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 forbids the operation in the EU of aircraft operated by Russian air carriers, any Russian registered aircraft, and of any non-Russian-registered aircraft which are owned or chartered, or otherwise controlled by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body. Hence, such aircraft may (unless owned or controlled by an individual or entity subject to an asset freeze/prohibition to make funds and economic resources) receive maintenance services in the EU but be prohibited from flying. 

*This can be checked in the Financial Sanctions Files: https://webgate.ec.europa.eu/fsd/fsf#!/files 

EASA suspended certain type certificates (TCs) issued to holders in Russia in accordance with the Sanctions Regulations. A maintenance organisation has one of those TC on its approval. As the competent authority for such maintenance organisation, do we have to limit or suspend partially the approval of the organisations with respect to the suspended TC?

No, the approval certificate does not need to be changed to remove the suspended TC from the privileges of the organisation. The organisations should not perform and certify maintenance on an aircraft type the TC of which has been suspended (per Article 3c(4)), but the privileges of the approval certificate remain unaffected.

What actions has EASA taken concerning training of maintenance personnel?

EASA suspended all Part-147 organisation approvals issued by EASA to organisations in Russia.

I am an EU national and holder of a Part-66 licence. Am I allowed to work, either within or outside the EU, on Russian owned or operated aircraft?

No. The personal scope of Regulation (EU) no 833/2014 covers any person inside or outside the territory of the Union who is a national of a Member State.

The Sukhoi Superjet type certificate is suspended by EASA. In the Member States there are Part-66 licences containing this type rating. Does the competent authority need to suspend this rating in those maintenance licences?

No. It is the maintenance activity that is prohibited by the EU sanctions, but the privilege of the Part-66 licences remains unaffected.

As an organisation approved by a Member State in accordance with Annex IV (Part-147) of Regulation (EU) 1321/2014 and my principal place of business is within the territory of the EU, am I allowed to provide training to Russian citizens?

In principle, it is prohibited to provide technical assistance related to maintenance, directly or indirectly to any natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia or for use in Russia (ref. Art. 3(4)(a) of Regulation (EU) 833/2014). Training of maintenance personnel could be allowed if done for the purpose of later working for a maintenance organisation subject to Regulation (EU) 1321/2014 outside Russia. If the purpose of the training is to work in Russia or on Russian aircraft subject to the restrictive measures, such training provision is prohibited. Furthermore, the training cannot take place in Russia.

As competent authority of an EU Member State, am I allowed to issue Part-66 licence to a Russian national?

Yes, provided that the candidate is or due to be working for a maintenance organisation subject to Regulation (EU) 1321/2014 outside of Russia.

What actions has EASA taken in the domain of pilot licensing?

EASA has suspended all flight simulation training device (FSTD) qualification certificates issued by EASA to organisations in Russia.

I am an EU national and holder of a pilot licence issued in accordance with Annex I (Part-FCL) to Regulation (EU) No 1178/2011. Am I allowed to fly, either within or outside the European Union, a Russian-owned, -registered or -operated aircraft?

No. The personal scope of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 includes any person inside or outside the territory of the European Union who is a national of a Member State.

As an approved training organisation (ATO) / declared training organisation (DTO) / organisation operating flight simulation training devices (FSTDs) subject to Regulation (EU) No 1178/2011 and my having principal place of business within the EU territory, am I allowed to provide either theoretical or practical training, in an FSTD or in an aircraft, to Russian citizens?

Training, testing and checking of Russian citizens is allowed if done for the purpose of operating a non-Russian-registered aircraft that is NOT owned or chartered (2) , or otherwise controlled (1) by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body.

If the intention of the applicant is to fly in Russia, at a Russian air carrier or Russian-registered aircraft or any non-Russian-registered aircraft that is owned or chartered, or otherwise controlled by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body, then such training, testing or checking is prohibited. Furthermore, the training, testing or checking cannot take place in Russia (c.f. Articles 3c(1) and 3d(1) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014).

Note 1: The concept of ‘control’ is understood in the ‘economic’ or ‘financial’ sense and not in the ‘technical’ or ‘operational’ sense (cf. para 48 of Judgement of the General Court Case T-233/22 ).

Note 2: The EU aviation law does not define ‘aircraft charter’. Member States authorities should apply the definition of ‘charter’ in accordance with their national legislation and relevant international agreements.

I am a holder of an examiner certificate issued in accordance with Annex I (Part-FCL) to Regulation (EU) No 1178/2011. Am I allowed to conduct skill tests, proficiency checks or assessments of competences to Russian license holders or to Russian nationals who hold either a Part-FCL or other third-country license (i.e. for the purpose of obtaining an EU Part-FCL licence, rating or certificate)?

Training, testing and checking of Russian citizens is allowed if done for the purpose of operating a non-Russian-registered aircraft that is NOT owned or chartered (2)  or otherwise controlled (1) by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body.

If the intention of the applicant is to fly in Russia, at a Russian air carrier or Russian-registered aircraft or any non-Russian-registered aircraft that is owned or chartered or otherwise controlled by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body, then such training, testing or checking is prohibited. Furthermore, the training, testing or checking cannot take place in Russia (c.f. Articles 3c(1) and 3d(1) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014).

As a Russian citizen, am I allowed to go through theoretical or practical training, either in an aircraft or flight simulation training device (FSTD), or take examinations, skill tests or proficiency checks in accordance with Regulation (EU) No 1178/2011?

Note 1: The concept of ‘control’ is understood in the ‘economic’ or ‘financial’ sense and not in the ‘technical’ or ‘operational’ sense (cf. para 48 Judgement of the General Court Case T-233/22 ).

Is it allowed to issue a Part-FCL licence on the basis of a Russian licence (i.e. conversion)? Is there a difference if a person is a Russian citizen or not? If not, what to do with persons who have already started the process?

Such licence issue would necessitate some training, testing and checking, which may be permitted, see dedicated FAQ . However, competent authorities are reminded that licence conversion may necessitate contacting the Russian licensing authorities, which is currently not feasible.

Is it allowed to issue a validation of a pilot licence to a Russian citizen, for example if the pilot flies for an EU-based company?

The same restrictions as for other training, testing and checking activities should apply here. However, competent authorities are reminded that licence validation may necessitate contacting the Russian licensing authorities, which is currently not feasible.

If a training organisation subject to Regulation (EU) No 1178/2011 operates a simulator manufactured by a Russian manufacturer and simulating Russian aircraft, is it affected by the sanctions?

The sanctions covered by Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 do not limit the import of aircraft simulators from Russia, nor the support given by the Russian manufacturer to their use in the European Union. If the training is provided to persons that are not subject to the sanctions (i.e. persons not intending to operate aircraft subject to the sanctions), it may continue, provided that the flight simulator training device (FSTD) operator is able to continue to maintain its qualification certificate.

However, this answer is without prejudice to the possibility that these companies are owned or otherwise controlled by a person or entities subject to an asset freeze or prohibition of transactions. If that were the case, it would limit the possibility to trade with these companies.

If a Ukrainian pilot wants to validate/convert their licence, but obtaining a verification from the Ukrainian Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) is limited or even impossible, what are the options for such pilot to obtain a Part-FCL license?

In respect of Ukraine, normal aviation rules (i.e. Regulation (EU) 2020/723) apply. Under the current circumstances, it is understandable that the Ukrainian CAA may not be able to provide normal service for verifications. Therefore, Member States might consider, for example, using the flexibility provided by Article 71 of the EASA Basic Regulation (Regulation (EU) 2018/1139), to facilitate such licence conversions or validation, taking also account of the possibility to mitigate any safety risks, e.g. by using more comprehensive skill tests and interviews.

If a Russian citizen has been issued with a Part-FCL licence but the person has not picked up the licence from the licensing authority yet, is it allowed to hand over the licence?

Yes, provided that the purpose of the license is to operate a non-Russian aircraft, i.e. if the person is, for example, destined to fly as an employee on an EU airline or as a private pilot. If the intention is to fly in Russia, at a Russian air carrier or Russian-registered aircraft or any non-Russian-registered aircraft that is owned or chartered or otherwise controlled by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body then handing over the licence would be support to the use of banned aircraft or operators and hence prohibited.

Can Russian citizens apply for an EU medical certificate issued in accordance with Regulation (EU) No 1178/2011?

Yes, provided that the purpose of the medical certificate is to operate a non-Russian aircraft, i.e. if the person is, for example, destined to fly as an employee on an EU airline or as a private pilot. If the intention is to fly in Russia or Russian-registered aircraft or any non-Russian-registered aircraft that is owned or chartered (2)  or otherwise controlled (1) by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body, then the person cannot be issued with an EU medical certificate as that would be support to the use of banned aircraft or operators and hence prohibited.

Do the same principles apply to balloon and sailplane pilot training, testing and checking (e.g. Russian citizens, training sites, etc.) in accordance with Regulations (EU) 2018/395 and (EU) 2018/1976 as to training, testing and checking in accordance with Regulation (EU) No 1178/2011?

Yes. Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 does not differentiate between the different types of aircraft. Therefore, balloon and sailplane pilot licensing should be treated in the same manner as pilot licensing for any other aircraft.

Are EU sanctions also applicable to pilot training, testing and checking for aircraft listed in Annex I to Regulation (EU) 2018/1139 (‘EASA Basic Regulation’), such as microlights?

Yes. Since the scope of the Sanctions Regulations is much broader than that of the EASA Basic Regulation, the Sanctions Regulations apply to pilot training, testing and checking for all types of aircraft, even if they do not fall within the scope of the common EU aviation safety legislation.

As an approved training organisation (ATO) / organisation operating flight simulation training devices (FSTDs) subject to Regulation (EU) No 1178/2011 and having principal place of business outside the EU territory, am I allowed to provide either theoretical or practical training, in an FSTD or in an aircraft, to Russian citizens?

ATOs and organisations operating FSTDs that have their principal place of business (PPoB) outside the European Union are reminded that the privileges of their ATO approval or FSTD qualification certificate are to provide training, or to use the device for the purpose of obtaining a pilot licence, rating or certificate in accordance with Regulation (EU) No 1178/2011. When receiving requests from Russian citizens, these organisations should first verify whether it would be possible for a Member State to issue licences to these applicants, after completion of the training, testing or checking. EU Member States have certain restrictions in terms of issuing licenses to Russian citizens.

Furthermore, these organisations are also reminded that their training sites or FSTDs located within the territory of the European Union are fully subject to the restrictions of the Sanctions Regulations, hence they should apply the same principles as the organisations having their PPoB in the Member States. Therefore, please also consult the FAQs relevant to EU organisations.

Finally, as regards practical training, organisations should keep in mind that the Sanctions Regulations also apply on board any aircraft under the jurisdiction of a Member State (e.g. registered in a Member State).

Are aircraft registered in Russia or operated by Russian operators allowed to fly into the European Union?

No, except in case of some limited exceptions. In accordance with Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, it is prohibited for any aircraft operated by Russian air carriers, including as a marketing carrier in code-sharing or blocked-space arrangements, or for any Russian-registered aircraft, or for any non-Russian-registered aircraft that is owned or chartered (2)  or otherwise controlled (1) by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body, to land in, take off from or overfly the territory of the European Union, except in case of an emergency landing or emergency overflight.

Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 prohibits any non-Russian-registered aircraft that is owned or chartered or otherwise controlled by any Russian natural to land in, take off from or overfly the territory of the European Union, except in case of an emergency landing or emergency overflight. Does this prohibition cover also natural persons with a dual nationality?

As Russian natural person should be understood any person with Russian nationality, regardless of whether that person also possesses another nationality, citizenship(s) or has permanent residency in the European Union.

If an aircraft is chartered by an EU or third-country resident, but the flight is from Russia to the European Union, is it allowed? Alternatively, if at least one of the passengers is a Russian citizen (not subject to targeted sanctions, such as a travel ban), is it allowed to approve these flights?

Landing in or taking off from the European Union is allowed only if:

• the aircraft is not operated by a Russian air carrier;
• the aircraft is not registered in Russia;
• the aircraft is not owned or chartered (2)  or otherwise controlled (1) by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body; and
• there are no persons on board the aircraft who are subject to a listing under the Sanctions Regulations (in particular, subject to a travel ban).

In line with Article 3d(1) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, it shall be prohibited for any aircraft operated by Russian air carriers, including as a marketing carrier in code-sharing or blocked-space arrangements, or for any Russian registered aircraft, or for any non-Russian-registered aircraft that is owned or chartered or otherwise controlled by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body, to land in, take off from or overfly the territory of the European Union.

Therefore, it should be noted that the Regulation does not forbid to take Russian citizens on board, however, the aircraft cannot be chartered by Russian citizens. If there are more people on board (e.g. 10 people rented the aircraft, while 2 of them are Russian citizens) it is up to the authority to make sure there is no circumvention of the prohibition.

What happens to the dry- and wet-leasing arrangements and code-sharing agreements between the EU air operator certificate (AOC) holders and Russian aircraft operators?

In line with Article 3d(1) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, it shall be prohibited for any aircraft operated by Russian air carriers, including as a marketing carrier in code-sharing or blocked-space arrangements, or for any Russian-registered aircraft, or for any non-Russian-registered aircraft that is owned or chartered (2)  or otherwise controlled (1) by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body, to land in, take off from or overfly the territory of the European Union.

Accordingly, such leasing agreements should not be approved by National Competent Authorities (NCAs) in accordance with Regulation (EU) No 965/2012. In addition, any existing wet-lease or dry-lease approvals or code-sharing agreements with aircraft operators of Russia or with respect to aircraft registered in Russia should be revoked or terminated, as applicable. It is also prohibited under Article 3c of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 to lease (supply) aircraft to Russian entities or for use in Russia.

My organisation is a navigational database provider established in the European Union. Am I allowed to provide updates of my product to my Russian customer?

No. Providing updates to navigational databases falls under the EU restrictive measures, according to which it is prohibited to sell, supply, transfer or export, directly or indirectly, goods and technology suited for use in aviation or the space industry (i.e. aircraft, spacecraft and parts thereof), whether or not originating in the European Union, to any natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia or for use in Russia (ref. Article 3c(1) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014).

In addition, Article 2a of that Regulation explicitly bans the export of goods and technology which might contribute to Russia’s military and technological enhancement, such as software and technology for the ‘development’, ‘production’ or ‘use’ of navigation, airborne communication and other avionics equipment (cf. items X.D.V.001 and X.E.V.001 of Annex VII to said Regulation).

As a Russian citizen, am I allowed to fly an aircraft for private purposes in the airspace of the European Union (e.g. exercise the privileges of my PPL, SPL, BPL or national pilot license issued to fly Annex I aircraft, such as microlights, etc.)? Can I rent, borrow for free, or use an aircraft of a flying club to exercise my private pilot privileges?

Russian citizens, regardless of them holding another citizenship, can exercise private pilot privileges to land in, take off from or overfly the territory of the European Union in a non-Russian-registered aircraft which is NOT owned or chartered (2)  or otherwise controlled (1) by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body.

This means that Russian citizens are not prevented from renting, borrowing for free, or otherwise using aircraft of a flying club to exercise their private pilot privileges.

However, Russian citizens are prohibited to exercise private pilot privileges to pilot a Russian-registered aircraft, or a non-Russian-registered aircraft that is owned or chartered or otherwise controlled by a Russian natural or legal person, entity or body (cf. Article 3d of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014). This means, for example, that Russian citizens cannot fly their own aircraft in the EU airspace or use an aircraft of an EU company or of a third-country company that is controlled by a Russian natural or legal person.  

Competent authorities will monitor such private flight activities to ensure that they are not performed in a way to circumvent the sanctions outlined in Article 3d of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014.

Is it allowed for Russian citizens to fly, either as pilot-in-command or co-pilot, a non-Russian-registered aircraft that performs flights under a non-Russian air operator certificate (AOC), or an aircraft whose owner is not Russian?

Yes, such flights are allowed provided that:

• the pilot is an employee (or similar) of an air carrier or aircraft operator; and
• the aircraft is not operated by a Russian air carrier, not registered in Russia, and not owned or chartered (2) or otherwise controlled (1) by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body.

Is it allowed to register and then fly an aircraft in an EU Member State when the aircraft is owned by a company incorporated in the European Union, but the owner of that company is a Russian natural person?

The Sanctions Regulations do not prevent an EU Member State from putting the aircraft on its national register, but after registration the aircraft may not be allowed to fly:

• If the owner of the company is a Russian citizen, the aircraft is not allowed to take off, land in or overfly the European Union in accordance with Article 3d of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014. The fact that the company is registered in an EU Member State does not change this. 
• It is not possible to provide any economic resources, which includes services, to persons subject to an asset freeze and a prohibition to make resources available under EU sanctions (e.g. Regulation (EU) No 269/2014). Hence, it would not be possible to register any aircraft owned, directly or indirectly, or otherwise controlled by ‘listed’ Russian persons.

Why do the restrictive measures not include a general ban on an air carrier established in the European Union (an aircraft operator certificate (AOC) holder) from operating aircraft that would fall within the scope of Article 3d(1) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 for flights outside the European Union?

The measures are designed to affect flights into/from/over the EU territory.

Are Third Country Operator authorisations issued by EASA to airlines from Russia still valid?

No, in application of the Sanctions Regulation EASA has suspended all TCO authorisations for operators in respect of which Russia acts as the State of the Operator.

Is a TCO one off-notification under TCO.305 of Regulation (EU) No 452/2014 needed from a Russian operator for flight(s) performed under an exemption granted by a Member State in accordance with Article 3d (3) of Regulation (EU) No 833/2014?

As a result of the restrictive measures enacted through Council Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 prohibiting Russian aircraft operators to land in, take off from or overfly the EU, EASA suspended all TCO authorisations issued to Russian air carriers. Due to the practical impact of the sanctions on the Russian operators, EASA is not in a position to conduct effective oversight of Russian TCO authorized operators and to attest their safety in compliance with Regulation (EU) No 452/2014.

Council Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 does, however, allow Member States to exceptionally authorise certain operations into their territory by Russian air carriers based on an exemption issued in accordance with Article 3d(3) of that Regulation, in particular for humanitarian purposes or any other purpose consistent with the objectives of that Regulation. EASA is not involved in the issuance of such exemptions, which are an exclusive prerogative and responsibility of the Member States, and operations under such exemptions do not require notifications from the operator to EASA under Regulation (EU) No 452/2014.

Are Russian unmanned-aircraft operators registered in an EU Member State allowed to operate unmanned aircraft within the European Union?

No, under Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, it is prohibited for Russian unmanned-aircraft operators to operate within the European Union. It makes no distinction between manned and unmanned aircraft.

How to conduct in a case where a drone operator from Russia wants to conduct a drone show in an EU Member State? The application is issued by an MS applicant, but every document they have provided us (including the operations manual and risk assessment) clearly indicates that the actual operator is indeed a Russian operator.

Under the Sanction Regulations, it is prohibited for Russian unmanned-aircraft operators to operate within the European Union. If the competent authority has grounds to believe that the actual operator is not the EU applicant but the operator from Russia, the application should be rejected.

Is it allowed for a Russian citizen to fly an unmanned aircraft system (UAS) for an operator registered in the European Union? Does it matter whether they are resident in a Member State or Russia?

Russian citizens, as employees (or similar), are permitted to fly a UAS for the benefit of operators that are not subject to the sanctions. It does not matter whether those Russian citizens have a residence in the European Union or not.

However, Russian citizens are not allowed to fly Russian-registered UAS or non-Russian registered UAS that are owned or chartered (2)  or otherwise controlled (2) by a Russian natural or legal person, entity or body. This means, for example, that Russian citizens cannot fly their own UAS in the European Union or use a UAS operated by an EU company or a company from a third country which is controlled by a Russian natural or legal person.

Are Aeronautical Database Suppliers (DAT) located in the EU permitted to continue to supply aeronautical information to customers in Russia?

As entities located in the EU, DAT providers are not allowed under Regulation (EU) 833/2104 to provide technical assistance or other services related to aviation directly or indirectly to any natural or legal person, entity or body in Russia or for use in Russia

Are Aeronautical Database Providers (DAT Providers) located in the EU permitted to continue to receive aeronautical information from Russian authoritative sources (e.g. Russian AIP), necessary to build their products?

Receiving aeronautical information from an authoritative source in Russia is not impeded by the Sanctions Regulations, insofar as the DAT provider does not engage in any transactions prohibited under Regulation (EU) 833/2014 or make funds or economic resources available to person/entities listed under EU sanctions, for instance in Regulation (EU) No 269/2014.

With regards to technical assistance, in particular the dissemination of aeronautical information, can this be provided to Russian operators when they are operating over the Atlantic Ocean?

According to Article 3d of Council Regulation (EU) 833/2014, as amended, it is prohibited for any aircraft operated by Russian air carriers, including as a marketing carrier in codes-haring or blocked-space arrangements, or for any Russian registered aircraft, or for any non-Russian-registered aircraft which is owned or chartered, or otherwise controlled by any Russian natural or legal person, entity or body, to land in, take off from or overfly the territory of the Union.

Flights over international waters are not prohibited. The prohibition does not apply in the case of emergency landing and emergency overflight. The Regulation also provides for certain exemptions from the general ban.

Since flights over international waters are not forbidden, and flights over the EU territory can be authorised in certain specific cases (such as emergency landing or overflight), it is not forbidden to disseminate aeronautical information to them.

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International Edition

MEPs to take stock of alleged Russian interference in the European Parliament  

On Thursday, MEPs will vote on a resolution assessing alleged Russian attempts to interfere in the European Parliament and the upcoming European elections.

Revelations recently emerged about a Russian influence campaign targeting the European Parliament, including allegations of Moscow having paid individual MEPs to interfere in the upcoming European elections. The news broke in connection with the Czech government sanctioning the media outlet ‘Voice of Europe’ as part of a pro-Russian influence operation.

The upcoming resolution will wrap up the plenary debate already held on 10 April.

Debate: Wednesday 10 April

Vote: Thursday 25 April

Procedure: non-legislative resolution

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Ukraine-Russia war latest: Israel 'wasn't left to fend for itself' - yet aid to Ukraine is limited, Zelenskyy says

Follow our Ukraine war live page for all the latest developments and analysis of the conflict. Listen to a Sky News Daily podcast episode on the notion of the UK putting troops on the ground in Ukraine as you scroll.

Friday 19 April 2024 18:32, UK

• Israel wasn't left to fend for itself, Zelenskyy says
• NATO will supply more air defence systems to Ukraine
• Two detained after hammer attack on Navalny aide
• Moscow ramping up pressure on Ukrainian forces
• Major Russian missile attack kills eight
• Kremlin responds to US shift on aid to Ukraine
• Analysis: Russia is exploiting Ukraine's lack of air defences
• Mark Stone: Ukraine funding vote is a curious twist in America's political chaos
• The big picture: What's happening with the war this week?
• Your questions answered: How long will it take for any aid to turn the tide militarily?
• Live reporting by Samuel Osborne

We are pausing our live coverage of Russia's invasion of Ukraine today.

We'll be back again with more updates.

Here's a round-up of today, which started with the deaths of at least eight people in a major Russian missile attack in central Ukraine's Dnipropetrovsk region.

Volodymyr Zelenskyy called for more air defences and said: "Russia must be held accountable for its terror, and every missile, every Shahed [drone] must be shot down."

In a speech after a meeting of the Group of Seven (G7) major democracies on the Italian island of Capri, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said it is "imperative" Ukraine gets more resources immediately to help it fight Russia.

"It needs more air defences, it needs more munitions, it needs more artillery - allies and partners including the G7 countries are committed to delivering on that," he added.

Meanwhile, Ukraine claimed to have shot down a Russian Tu-22M3 bomber "for the first time". Russia's defence ministry said the crash appeared to have been caused by a technical malfunction.

Two detained in Poland after hammer attack on Navalny aide

Two people were detained in Poland on suspicion of a hammer attack on Leonid Volkov,  the exiled top aide of the late Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny.

Mr Volkov had blamed Vladimir Putin for the attack and he thanked Lithuanian police for working "energetically and persistently" over the past month on his case.

"I am very glad that this work has been effective", he tweeted. "Well, we'll find out the details soon. Can't wait to find out!"

And a Polish man was arrested over allegations of being ready to help Russia's military intelligence in an alleged plot to assassinate Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

Volodymyr Zelenskyy has made an emotional appeal to NATO members, saying the current level of foreign aid for Ukraine is "very limited". 

The Ukrainian president said Israel had not been left to fend for itself during Iran's aerial bombardment on Saturday.

During that attack, Western allies had stepped in to help shoot down Iranian drones and missiles. 

"Putin must be brought down to earth and our sky must become safe again... And it depends fully on your choice... [the] choice whether we are indeed allies," Mr Zelenskyy said in his speech.

He said Ukraine needs a minimum of seven Patriot or other high-end air defence systems to counter Russian air strikes. 

Russia has recently intensified its bombardment of Ukraine, and the UN reported civilian deaths had sharply increased in March. 

NATO ministers have decided to supply more air defence systems to Ukraine, the organisation's secretary general has said.

Jens Stoltenberg said several NATO allies had made concrete commitments which he expected to be announced soon.

"In addition to Patriots, there are other weapons that allies can provide, including [French system] SAMP/T and many others, who do not have available systems, have pledged to provide financial support to purchase them for Ukraine," he told reporters in Brussels.

A Russian missile attack has damaged port infrastructure in Ukraine's southern Odessa region, the governor has said.

One person was injured, he added.

This map by the British Ministry of Defence shows the latest update on advances in Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

The head of the European Union's executive branch has visited Finland's border with Russia to assess the security situation there.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said Finland's decision to close its border crossings with Russia over a surge in migrants was a security matter for the whole 27-member bloc to consider.

"We all know how Putin and his allies instrumentalise migrants to test our defences and to try to destabilise us," she said.

"Now Putin is focusing on Finland, and this is no doubt in response to your firm support of Ukraine and your accession to NATO."

Finland shares a 832-mile (1,430km) land border with Russia.

"This is not just about the security of Finland, but it is about the security of the European Union. We are in this together," Ms von der Leyen said after visiting the border in Lappeenranta with Finnish Prime Minister Petteri Orpo.

"We should be more Finnish when it comes to security."

Finland joined NATO in April 2023 in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine in a major blow to President Putin.

Slovaks angered at their government's refusal to give military aid to Ukraine have raised nearly €2m (£1.7m) in a drive to help supply ammunition to Kyiv.

Although ammo supplies are a pressing need for Ukraine after two years of war, Slovakia has refused to join a plan led by the Czech government to buy hundreds of thousands of artillery rounds for Ukraine.

"When I heard about the Czech government's initiative, I was very pleased to hear that all ways are being sought to help Ukraine defend itself against the [Russian] aggressor, because there is no other way," said Otto Simko, a 99-year-old Holocaust survivor and journalist who helped spearhead the Slovak crowdfunding campaign.

In a video posted on the crowdfunders' YouTube page he said Russia needed to be expelled from Ukraine so "peace can be spoken of on terms that suit Ukrainian independence".

Slovakia halted state military aid to Kyiv last year, arguing the conflict did not have a military solution.

It is "imperative" Ukraine gets more resources immediately to help it fight off Russia's invasion, the US secretary of state has said after a meeting of the Group of Seven (G7) major democracies.

"It needs more air defences, it needs more munitions, it needs more artillery - allies and partners including the G7 countries are committed to delivering on that," Antony Blinken added.

Mr Blinken went on to say that if China wants better relations with Europe it cannot continue helping Russia while it attacks Ukraine, adding that Beijing was the primary contributor to Russia's defence industrial base.

He made the remarks after Kyiv's foreign minister said the G7 had identified "specific steps" needed to help Ukraine in its fight against Russia, Kyiv's foreign minister has said.

Dmytro Kuleba also warned Europe would be engulfed by war if Russia triumphed in its invasion.

"We identified specific steps which Western partners will make to help Ukraine," Mr Kuleba told reporters on the Italian island of Capri, where G7 foreign ministers are meeting.

He said the West had the capacity "to provide Ukraine with all necessary resources as soon as possible to save Europe from a larger war."

Meanwhile, Italian foreign minister Antonio Tajani said the G7 was looking to see if it could use frozen Russian assets held in the West and not just the interest from the funds.

Mr Tajani said there was an established legal basis for using the interest from the frozen funds, but experts were now looking to see if the capital itself could be used to help Ukraine.

The West has frozen some $300bn (£241bn) of sovereign Russian assets, which the UK and US want to be used to pay for the Ukraine war effort - though European Union member states have questioned the legality of such a move.

A Polish man has been arrested over allegations of being ready to help Russia's military intelligence in an alleged plot to assassinate Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Polish prosecutors said.

The man, identified only as Pawel K, was accused of being prepared to pass airport security information to Russian agents and was arrested in Poland on Wednesday, the office of Poland's National Prosecutor said in a statement.

The man was seeking contact with Russians directly involved in the war in Ukraine and was expected to pass on detailed information about the Rzeszow-Jasionka airport in south-eastern Poland, near the border with Ukraine, it said.

The airport is under the control of US troops and serves as a gateway for international military and humanitarian supplies for Ukraine.

If convicted, the man could face up to eight years in prison, the statement said.

It said the arrest was the result of close cooperation with the prosecutors and security services of Ukraine, who tipped them off and provided crucial evidence.

The Kremlin has declined to comment.

It comes after German prosecutors said two German-Russian men had been arrested on suspicion of espionage (see 8.44 post yesterday).

One of them is accused of agreeing to carry out attacks on potential targets including US military facilities in the hopes of sabotaging aid for Ukraine.

Volodymyr Zelenskyy has visited troops near the frontline in the east of Ukraine.

The Ukrainian president joined a paratroopers' medical platoon in the Donetsk region.

"Today - Donetsk region. Visited our defenders who are under treatment," he said on Telegram.

Mr Zelenskyy said he talked with the soldiers and gave them awards, adding: "Thank you for your service and protection of Ukraine! Our country is proud to have such soldiers."

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Kremlin says staff of some govt departments are subject to foreign travel bans

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Spain's basque country regional vote yields likely repeat of incumbent coalition.

The coalition ruling Spain's Basque Country looked set to stay in power as the conservative nationalists tied with their left-wing separatist rivals in Sunday's regional election but will likely keep the support of the third-placed Socialists.

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Europe: Brussels proposes free movement deal for UK’s 18- to 30-year-olds – as it happened

European commission floats opening negotiations with London to allow under 30s in UK and EU the same rights they enjoyed before Brexit

• 3d ago Summary of the day
• 3d ago Commission proposes Brexit deal for 18 to 30 year olds
• 3d ago Political uncertainty in Croatia as ruling party wins most seats but no majority
• 4d ago 'Lack of strategic vision': Turkey criticises EU leaders
• 4d ago 'Actions to defend Israel must lead to boosted air defence for Ukraine,' Lithuania says
• 4d ago Swedish PM calls for 'simpler, better and less regulations'
• 4d ago 'Giving Ukraine aid saves American jobs and tax dollars', Kallas says
• 4d ago Ukrainian prime minister cautions of third world war if Ukraine loses war
• 4d ago Croatia’s ruling conservatives win most seats in election, but without majority
• 4d ago Economic gap 'bigger and bigger,' Letta warns
• 4d ago German police arrest two men on suspicion of spying for Russia
• 4d ago Michel 'optimistic' on competitiveness conclusions
• 4d ago Welcome to the blog
• 4d ago EU leaders meet for second day to discuss economy
• 4d ago Polish prime minister blasts Europe over gap between rhetoric and action

Commission proposes Brexit deal for 18 to 30 year olds

The European Commission has proposed opening negotiations with the UK to allow free movement enjoyed before Brexit to millions of 18 to 30 year olds in a major post Brexit concession.

It said it will now seek approval from individual EU leaders to start the talks which will see one of the most controversial elements of Brexit, a block on the right to live in each others countries visa free, partially eliminated.

Under the envisaged agreement, both EU and UK citizens aged between 18 to 30 years would be able to stay for up to 4 years in the destination country, the European Commission said in a detailed statement.

“The objective would be to facilitate youth exchanges, making it easier for young EU citizens to travel, work and live in the UK, with reciprocity for young UK nationals in a member state,” the Commission said.

We are now closing this blog but you can read all our Europe news here . Our story on Brussels proposing opening talks to bring back pre-Brexit rights of free movement for people aged 18 to 30 in the UK and EU is here .

Summary of the day

The EU’s 27 heads of state and government met for a second day in Brussels.

Their discussions focused on the future of the European economy.

Enrico Letta , a former Italian prime minister and the author of a report the leaders are discussing on the economy, said “there’s no time to waste.”

Charles Michel , the European Council president, told leaders that “the single market and the economic base is our best asset” and “we need to identify what we should do to make sure that this asset can be developed.”

Ulf Kristersson , the Swedish prime minister, said “we need simpler, better and less regulations, lower trade barriers for services and more trade deals.”

Ireland, Luxembourg, Sweden and at least a dozen other countries lined up against a French move to centralise supervision of financial markets amid fears it would lead to flight of capital and hard fought inward investment.

On the sidelines of the talks, some leaders continued raising concerns about the situation in Ukraine.

Donald Tusk , the Polish prime minister, said that “if all the words that were said in the last years here in Brussels about common defence, could be changed into bullets and rocket launchers, Europe would have become the strongest power in the world. And the safest place,” he said.

The Lithuanian president, Gitanas Nausėda , said the leaders spoke about concerns about Russia and Iran working together in the Middle East.

The Latvian prime minister, Evika Siliņa, said leaders last night said they would prepare further sanctions against Belarus.

“Ukraine needs our help now,” the Estonian prime minister, Kaja Kallas , said. “If you look away, it will cost more. Security and prosperity in Europe and the U.S. are tied. Giving Ukraine aid saves American jobs and tax dollars.”

Speaking to the BBC, the Ukrainian prime minister, Denys Shmyhal , warned of the possibility of a third world war.

The Turkish foreign ministry has issued a statement criticising the EU’s leaders for their conclusions on relations with Ankara as “yet another example of the EU’s lack of strategic vision on Türkiye and the global developments.”

The European Commission proposed opening negotiations with the UK to allow free movement enjoyed before Brexit to millions of 18 to 30 year olds in a major post Brexit concession.

Manfred Weber , the head of the centre-right European People’s party, has congratulated Croatia’s Andrej Plenković .

Congratulations to @HDZ_HR and @AndrejPlenkovic on the successful outcome in Croatia's 🇭🇷 parliamentary elections! Your win, hard work, and vision set the stage for exciting times ahead and reflect people's confidence in your leadership. pic.twitter.com/Cj2IDN9aIU — Manfred Weber (@ManfredWeber) April 18, 2024

Ireland, Luxembourg, Sweden and at least a dozen other countries have lined up against a French move to centralise supervision of financial markets amid fears it would lead to flight of capital and hard fought inward investment.

Their opposition was raised amid proposals aimed at unlocking up to €9 trillion in private money held in the EU ranging from personal savings to pension funds, to finance defence and other big potential challenges such as another pandemic.

One diplomat said that 80% of private investment went to the US because there was not sufficient options for ordinary investments, outside the banking or government savings schemes.

But some smaller countries fear “activity follows regulators” and they could lose their financial services and are determined to stop any bid by France or Germany to centralise supervision.

Ireland fears that a bloc-wide supervisory authority could undermine years of political efforts to lure financial services and fund management which now employs 60,000 people.

The Irish government supports strengthening of the capital markets and believes that consumers should have different options, as they do in the US, to be able to grow their own wealth, through decent alternatives to banks.

A source from another European country said it was imperative that European supervision of capital markets was strengthened.

“ We are falling behind when it comes to our competitors, especially in the US, but also India and China, are catching up, and we are fragmented,” the diplomat said.

Political uncertainty in Croatia as ruling party wins most seats but no majority

Croatia is heading for an extended period of political uncertainty after the ruling conservative Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) emerged victorious in the parliamentary election, but with fewer seats than before and without a majority.

Led by Andrej Plenković , who has served two terms as prime minister, HDZ won 61 seats in the 151-seat assembly with the votes from 99.8% of polling stations counted, the state electoral commission said on Thursday, down from 66 seats in the previous parliament.

A coalition headed by the opposition Social Democratic party (SDP) of president Zoran Milanović finished second with 42 seats, while the right-wing Homeland Movement came in third with 14, potentially handing it the role of kingmaker.

Mario Bikarski, an analyst at the risk intelligence company Verisk Maplecroft, said: “Regardless of the final distribution of seats, it is likely the parliament will be more fragmented and coalition negotiations will drag on for longer.”

Read the full story here .

'Lack of strategic vision': Turkey criticises EU leaders

“Türkiye will never accept an approach that links progress in Türkiye-EU relations to the Cyprus issue,” the ministry said.

“Türkiye, as a candidate country, remains committed to membership to the EU. However, we reject the selective limitation of the bilateral cooperation to certain areas. In the coming period, we will review our dialogue with the EU on the basis of reciprocity, taking into account the pace, level and scope of the EU’s steps towards Türkiye,” it added.

'Actions to defend Israel must lead to boosted air defence for Ukraine,' Lithuania says

Gitanas Nausėda , the Lithuanian president, has stressed that “the example of allied actions to defend Israel must lead to boosted air defense for Ukraine .”

“Ukrainian cities are getting attacked on a daily basis while their skies remain unprotected. European air defense coalition for Ukraine might be a game changer,” he added.

The example of allied actions to defend #Israel must lead to boosted air defense for #Ukraine . 🇺🇦 cities are getting attacked on a daily basis while their skies remain unprotected. European air defense coalition for Ukraine might be a game changer. — Gitanas Nausėda (@GitanasNauseda) April 18, 2024

Swedish PM calls for 'simpler, better and less regulations'

Ulf Kristersson , the Swedish prime minister, has said the “EU must get back to the core of the single market.”

“We need simpler, better and less regulations, lower trade barriers for services and more trade deals,” he added.

EU must get back to the core of the single market. We need simpler, better and less regulations, lower trade barriers for services and more trade deals. We need more clean energy – including nuclear, and lower energy prices - PM Kristersson #EUCO #competetiveness pic.twitter.com/YMo5SaQVmA — Sweden in EU (@SwedeninEU) April 18, 2024

'Giving Ukraine aid saves American jobs and tax dollars', Kallas says

“Ukraine needs our help now,” the Estonian prime minister, Kaja Kallas , said.

“If you look away, it will cost more. Security and prosperity in Europe and the U.S. are tied. Giving Ukraine aid saves American jobs and tax dollars,” she added.

Agree with @SpeakerJohnson : history judges us for what we do. Hope Congress will do the right thing. Ukraine needs our help now. If you look away, it will cost more. Security and prosperity in Europe and the U.S. are tied. Giving Ukraine aid saves American jobs and tax dollars. https://t.co/TRJOaspcas — Kaja Kallas (@kajakallas) April 18, 2024

The Ukrainian foreign minister, Dmytro Kuleba , has meet with his American counterpart, Antony Blinken .

“We both emphasized the urgent need for the U.S. Congress to pass the supplemental aid package for Ukraine . This will send a message of strength and confidence, allowing Ukraine to save lives and improve the situation on the battlefield,” Kuleba said.

I met with @SecBlinken to thank the United States for standing with Ukraine. We went over in detail our joint global efforts to get more "Patriot" air defense systems and missiles to Ukraine as soon as possible. I appreciate Secretary Blinken's efforts to facilitate the… pic.twitter.com/MWMc1jiX3J — Dmytro Kuleba (@DmytroKuleba) April 18, 2024

The EU has edged closer to calling for an immediate ceasefire in the Middle East after a meeting of the 27 bloc leaders last night.

Leaders have struggled to agree language from the outset of the conflict, engaging in torturous discussions over whether they should use the word ceasefire, pause, or pauses in the first official bloc-wide declaration in October.

Although piggybacking on a UN resolution, Ireland’s taoiseach indicated the significance of the hardened up language in the official communique issued last night reiterating “commitment to work with partners to end the crisis in Gaza without delay and implement United Nations Security Council Resolution 2728, including through reaching an immediate ceasefire and the unconditional release of all hostages”.

“I welcome the language that has been agreed around ceasefire, not pause but ceasefire, I think that is important,” said Simon Harris , Ireland’s taoiseach.

The Latvian prime minister, Evika Siliņa, said leaders last night said they would prepare further sanctions against Belarus in relation to circumvention of the existing sanctions against Russian allies of Vladimir Putin and trade in goods for the Kremlin’s war machine.

“We discussed yesterday that the benefits of [Russian] frozen assets should be used for the gain of Ukraine . We are ready as well to deal with sanctions not just against Russia but as well against Belarus, because Belarus is being used by Russia to not comply with the sanctions,” she said on arrival at the EU leaders summit.

They agreed sanctions against Iran last night on missiles and drones and will now expand the existing Russian sanctions list against those supporting Iran, leaders said.

“We had the opportunity to talk about Iran’s engagement in the war with Ukraine and I think it should be one of the reasons why we have to introduce and expand the sanctions to Iran. Not only because of Iran’s role in the conflict in the Middle East but also because of Iran’s role in the war in Ukraine.

“On the one hand we are supporting Ukraine and on the other Iran is standing on the other side of the conflict and this is not acceptable for the European Union as a whole,” the Lithuanian leader told reporters on arrival.

Ukrainian prime minister cautions of third world war if Ukraine loses war

Addressing the issue of US security assistance, he said: “We need this money yesterday, not tomorrow, not today.”

“If we will not protect … Ukraine will fall,” he added. “So the global, the global system of security will be destroyed … and all the world will need to find … a new system of security.

“Or, there will be many conflicts, many such kinds of wars, and in the end of the day, it could lead to the third world war,” he said.

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Chechnya is banning music that's too fast or slow. These songs wouldn't make the cut

Rachel Treisman

Dancers wearing Chechen national costumes perform to celebrate the reelection of Chechnya's regional leader Ramzan Kadyrov (pictured in the background) in Grozny, Russia in September 2021. Musa Sadulayev/AP hide caption

Dancers wearing Chechen national costumes perform to celebrate the reelection of Chechnya's regional leader Ramzan Kadyrov (pictured in the background) in Grozny, Russia in September 2021.

Authorities in the Russian republic of Chechnya are banning music they consider either too fast or too slow, effectively criminalizing many genres.

The Chechen Ministry of Culture announced the ban on its website last week, by the order of Culture Minister Musa Dadayev and with the agreement of Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov.

"Musical, vocal and choreographic" works will be limited to a tempo of 80 to 116 beats per minute (BPM) to "conform to the Chechen mentality and sense of rhythm," said Dadayev, according to the Russian state-run news agency TASS.

"Borrowing musical culture from other peoples is inadmissible," Dadayev said, per a translation by The Guardian . "We must bring to the people and to the future of our children the cultural heritage of the Chechen people. This includes the entire spectrum of moral and ethical standards of life for Chechens."

Main Character of the Day

There's a 'volume war' happening in music.

Russian media report that artists have until June 1 to rewrite any music that doesn't conform to the new rule, though it's not clear how it will be enforced.

Chechnya is a roughly 6,700-square-mile autonomous republic situated in the North Caucasus of southern Russia and home to some 1.5 million people , the vast majority of whom are Muslim. Its leader, Ramzan Kadyrov, has consistently quashed dissent in the territory since he came to power in 2007 — nominated by Russian President Vladimir Putin, with whom he remains close.

Over the years, dissidents, human rights activists and journalists — as well as their family members — in Chechnya have faced threats and reported instances of abduction, arbitrary detention and death. Chechen authorities also orchestrated what Human Rights Watch describes as "lethal purges of men perceived to be gay or bisexual" in 2017 and 2019. (Kadyrov said in 2017 , "We don't have any gays ... If there are any, take them to Canada.")

Russia's wars in Chechnya offer a grim warning of what could be in Ukraine

The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom has said Kadyrov's regime "maintains hegemony through the imposition of a purported 'traditional' version of Islam, which falsely claims to defend local belief and culture, and combat violent extremism."

"In reality, Kadyrov has [co-opted] Chechen religion and culture to support his brutal regime, which violates the secular constitution of the Russian Federation and international standards of freedom of religion or belief," it added.

While Chechnya waged two wars against Russia for its independence in the 1990s and early 2000s, it remains part of Russia and is now seen as its close ally in the war against Ukraine. Even so, it's held on to its language and culture, in which folklore plays a major role . Traditional Chechen music includes instrumental songs and epic ballads, according to the Guardian .

The government's crackdown on certain musical tempos would silence most modern music genres. Electronic styles of music like house, techno and dubstep all tend to have BPMs of over 116 , says the audio tech company Izotope, while the average tempo of 2020's best-selling pop songs was 122 BPM, according to the BBC.

Opinion: The Taliban is cracking down on music, and joy

The independent Russian news outlet Meduza said the tempo of the Russian national anthem would be considered too slow under the new limit, reports RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty. But it would seem to permit hip-hop music, which generally has a BPM of 85 to 95.

Some songs that would fit the bill include Beyonce's "Texas Hold 'Em" (110 BPM), the Bee Gees' "Stayin' Alive" (104 BPM), Led Zeppelin's "Stairway to Heaven" (82 BPM), ABBA's "Dancing Queen" (101 BPM) and Taylor Swift's 10-minute version of "All Too Well" (94 BPM), among others.

Here are examples of songs that wouldn't:

• "Little Wing" by Jimi Hendrix (71 BPM)
• "Don't Worry Be Happy" by Bobby McFerrin (69 BPM)
• "Rehab" by Amy Winehouse (72 BPM)
• "I Will Always Love You" by Whitney Houston (68 BPM)
• "Imagine" by John Lennon (76 BPM)
• "Hello" by Adele (79 BPM)
• "Here Comes the Sun" by the Beatles (129 BPM)
• "Cruel Summer" by Taylor Swift (170 BPM)
• "16 Carriages" by Beyonce (127 BPM)
• "Smells Like Teen Spirit" by Nirvana (117 BPM)
• "Toxic" by Britney Spears (143 BPM)
• "Hotel California" by the Eagles (147 BPM)